Documentation

Studies.Matthewson2013

Matthewson (2013): Gitksan Modals #

This file formalizes the description of the Gitksan modal system in [Mat13]. Gitksan is a mixed system (Fig. 1): every modal is specified for modality type, epistemic or circumstantial, and modal strength is encoded among the circumstantial modals, da'aḵhlxw and anooḵ for possibility against sgi for (weak) necessity, but not among the epistemic clitics ima('a) and g̱at, which are compatible with necessity and possibility contexts alike ([Pet10]). With the paper's lexical forces, existential for all but sgi, [Dea11]'s account of modals without scales predicts every modal's uses: the epistemics share a force and so form no scale, and are used for both, while sgi is the scalemate of da'aḵhlxw and anooḵ, and each circumstantial modal is used for its own force. The system fills the empty diagonal of the classification of modal systems by selectivity for type and for strength (Fig. 2), whose other cells English, St'át'imcets and Javanese occupy in the fragments.

Each modal's force and flavours predict its judgments in the paper's contexts, with one exception: sgi is rejected in the sneeze case, pure circumstantial strong necessity, though volunteered for we must all die, of the same force and flavour. No set of force-flavour pairs predicts the gap, so it is not one of modal strength, and the paper suggests sgi needs a non-empty ordering source.

Gitksan modals are not inherently future-oriented, against the English analysis of [Con02]: the prospective dim is present exactly when the prejacent is future-oriented, and it is obligatory with the circumstantial modals because they are future-oriented. Every cell of Fig. 4, perspective by orientation, is attested. The circumstantial possibility modal has no actuality entailment, its obligatory dim keeping it out of the perfective configuration of [Hac06].

Implementation notes #

References #

The modal system (Fig. 1) #

lexicalForce m is the force the paper assigns to m. ima('a) and g̱at introduce an existential quantifier over worlds (§3.1–3.2), da'aḵhlxw and anooḵ are possibility modals, and sgi is a (weak) necessity modal (§4).

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    The lexical forces derive Fig. 1. In an upward-entailing context each modal serves, on [Dea11]'s account, for exactly the forces it is used with. The epistemics have no scalemate and serve for both; sgi shares its flavours with da'aḵhlxw and anooḵ, so each of the three serves for its own.

    The epistemic clitics are modals without scales, and the circumstantial modals all belong to one.

    Rows #

    modalTable keys the fragment's modals by their forms.

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      forceTable maps a row's force label to the force its context supports.

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        flavorTable maps a row's flavour label to a flavour, reading the pure circumstantial and teleological labels as circumstantial.

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          theorem Matthewson2013.rows_resolve (e : Datum) :
          e ∈ Examples.all → ∀ s ∈ e.feature? "modal", s ≠ "dim" → (e.parse? "modal" modalTable).isSome = true

          Every row naming a modal other than the plain future names one of the fragment's.

          Force and flavour (§3, §4) #

          theorem Matthewson2013.rows_meaning (e : Datum) :
          e ∈ Examples.all → e.feature? "test" ≠ some "sneeze" → ∀ m ∈ e.parse? "modal" modalTable, ∀ fo ∈ e.parse? "force" forceTable, ∀ fl ∈ e.parse? "flavor" flavorTable, e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ (fo, fl) ∈ m.meaning

          Outside the sneeze case, a modal is accepted in a context exactly when it expresses the context's force and flavour. The possibility modals are rejected in necessity contexts, (66) and (80), and anooḵ in a pure circumstantial one, (79).

          theorem Matthewson2013.sgi_attested :
          (∀ fo ∈ Gitksan.sgi.forces, ∃ e ∈ Examples.all, e.parse? "modal" modalTable = some Gitksan.sgi ∧ e.parse? "force" forceTable = some fo ∧ e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable) ∧ ∀ fl ∈ Gitksan.sgi.flavors, ∃ e ∈ Examples.all, e.parse? "modal" modalTable = some Gitksan.sgi ∧ e.parse? "flavor" flavorTable = some fl ∧ e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable

          sgi is volunteered in strong necessity contexts, (89), (92) and (100), and accepted in a weak one, (90), with deontic, circumstantial and bouletic readings, so each force and flavour it expresses is attested.

          theorem Matthewson2013.sneeze_rows (e : Datum) :
          e ∈ Examples.all → e.feature? "test" = some "sneeze" → (e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ e.feature? "modal" ≠ some "sgi")

          The sneeze case of (95)–(96), pure circumstantial strong necessity, takes the plain future and not sgi.

          theorem Matthewson2013.sneeze_gap :
          ¬∃ (M : Finset Modality.ForceFlavor), ∀ e ∈ Examples.all, e.parse? "modal" modalTable = some Gitksan.sgi → ∀ fo ∈ e.parse? "force" forceTable, ∀ fl ∈ e.parse? "flavor" flavorTable, e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ (fo, fl) ∈ M

          In (96) and (100), sgi is rejected in the sneeze case and volunteered for we must all die, both pure circumstantial strong necessity, so no set of force-flavour pairs predicts its judgments, and the sneeze gap is not one of modal strength.

          An inventory selects modality type when each of its modals is epistemic or circumstantial.

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            An inventory selects modal strength when none of its modals varies between necessity and possibility, weak necessity counting as necessity.

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              A mixed system selects type throughout and strength among its circumstantial modals only.

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                @[instance_reducible]
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                The fragments reproduce Fig. 2. English selects strength and not type, St'át'imcets type and not strength, and Javanese both (Fig. 3), a cell that the classification of [RMD08] left open.

                theorem Matthewson2013.dim_rows (e : Datum) :
                e ∈ Examples.all → ∀ o ∈ (e.feature? "orientation").bind orientationOf, e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ (e.feature? "prospective" = some "true" ↔ o = Modality.TemporalOrientation.future)

                In the paradigms (38)–(48), (53), (56), (73) and (83), the prospective aspect dim is present exactly when the prejacent is future-oriented, with epistemic and circumstantial modals alike.

                theorem Matthewson2013.circumstantial_future (e : Datum) :
                e ∈ Examples.all → ∀ m ∈ e.parse? "modal" modalTable, m.Circumstantial → ∀ o ∈ (e.feature? "orientation").bind orientationOf, o = Modality.TemporalOrientation.future

                The circumstantial modals are future-oriented (§4).

                theorem Matthewson2013.dim_circumstantial (e : Datum) :
                e ∈ Examples.all → ∀ m ∈ e.parse? "modal" modalTable, m.Circumstantial → ∀ o ∈ (e.feature? "orientation").bind orientationOf, e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ e.feature? "prospective" = some "true"

                dim is obligatory with the circumstantial modals, as their future orientation needs it.

                theorem Matthewson2013.fig4 (p : Modality.TemporalPerspective) (o : Modality.TemporalOrientation) :
                ∃ e ∈ Examples.all, e.parse? "modal" modalTable = some Gitksan.imaa ∧ (e.feature? "perspective").bind perspectiveOf = some p ∧ (e.feature? "orientation").bind orientationOf = some o ∧ e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable

                ima('a) is attested at every temporal perspective and orientation (Fig. 4).

                An unmarked English possibility modal is future-oriented on [Con02]'s analysis, as in (35), while no accepted Gitksan modal sentence without dim is, as in (39).

                theorem Matthewson2013.no_actuality_entailment (e : Datum) :
                e ∈ Examples.all → e.feature? "actualityEntailment" = some "false" → e.parse? "modal" modalTable = some Gitksan.daakhlxw ∧ e.feature? "prospective" = some "true" ∧ e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable

                da'aḵhlxw with its dim has no actuality entailment in (62), the ability holding while the event fails.