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Linglib.Fragments.Gitksan.Modals

Gitksan Modal Inventory #

@cite{matthewson-2013} @cite{matthewson-2016} @cite{peterson-2010}

Gitksan (Tsimshianic, ISO 639-3 git) modal system, spoken in northern British Columbia. The system shows two key typological properties:

  1. Absolute epistemic/circumstantial split: epistemic modals cannot be used circumstantially and vice versa (@cite{matthewson-2016} Table 18.1).
  2. Variable-force epistemic modals: ima('a) and gat are compatible with both necessity and possibility contexts, contrasting only in information source — not in force (@cite{peterson-2010}).
  3. Prospective aspect dim: obligatorily marks future temporal orientation for modals; without it, epistemic ima('a) cannot be future-oriented (@cite{matthewson-2016} §18.4.3, examples 60–63).

@cite{matthewson-2013} Figure 1: Gitksan modal system #

Possibility(Weak) Necessity
Circumstantial
Plainda'akhlxwsgi
Deonticanook(xw)sgi
Epistemic
Plainima('a)ima('a)
Reportativegatgat

The (WEAK) annotation in the column header is load-bearing: Gitksan has no STRONG circumstantial necessity modal — pure-necessity cases like "I have to sneeze" use a plain future, not sgi (@cite{matthewson-2013} ex. 95–98). This asymmetry is the crux of Matthewson's "mixed system" typological claim: strength is encoded in the circumstantial domain, but only weakly.

Variable-force plain epistemic modal. @cite{peterson-2010}: analysed as a possibility modal strengthened via ordering source, compatible with both necessity and possibility contexts. @cite{matthewson-2016} §18.3.2: not specialized for a particular force.

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    Variable-force reportative epistemic modal. Distinguished from ima('a) by information source: gat requires reportative evidence. Under @cite{kratzer-2012}'s reclassification, gat is content-evidential (the speaker can disbelieve the report), while ima('a) is factual-evidential.

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      General circumstantial possibility: pure circumstantial, ability, bouletic, teleological, and (in competition with anookxw) deontic permission. @cite{matthewson-2013} §4.1, ex. 63–65: da'akhlxw allows bouletic interpretations ('You could eat less cake'), teleological interpretations (subsumed under circumstantial in linglib's flavor inventory), and deontic permission ('My mother told me I could play'). Listed flavors: circumstantial (covering pure circumstantial, ability, teleological), deontic (permission overlap with anookxw), bouletic.

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        Specialized deontic possibility ('allowed to'). @cite{matthewson-2013} §4.2: anook competes with da'akhlxw in permission contexts but is strictly deontic — infelicitous in pure circumstantial situations (ex. 79).

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          Circumstantial weak necessity. @cite{matthewson-2013} §4.3 (and Figure 1: column header is "(WEAK) NECESSITY"): sgi expresses obligation, deontic 'should', and weak circumstantial necessity. The preferred English translation is 'should', a weak necessity modal.

          Caveat: Matthewson herself hedges. sgi is INFELICITOUS in some pure strong-necessity contexts (sneeze case, ex. 96–98), but IS felicitous in others (ex. 100, "k'ap sgi dim gwalga daxw-'m" 'We must all die'). The §4.3 conclusion (p. 384) suggests the infelicity may be a modality-TYPE issue (perhaps sgi requires a non-empty priority ordering source) rather than a strict weak-necessity restriction. The Fig. 1 parenthesization of "(WEAK)" reflects this uncertainty.

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              Force analysis #

              The Gitksan epistemic modals are variable-force: they do not lexically specify necessity or possibility, but are compatible with both. The circumstantial modals have fixed force.

              Three-way background classification (@cite{matthewson-2016} Table 18.3) #

              Gitksan lexicalizes all three background classes:

              Absolute epistemic/circumstantial split #

              The epistemic and circumstantial domains are strictly separated: epistemic modals cannot be used circumstantially and vice versa. @cite{matthewson-2016} §18.2.3, example 20.

              Prospective aspect marker dim #

              @cite{matthewson-2013} §3–4: prospective aspect marking with dim is required asymmetrically. Circumstantial modals (da'akhlxw, anookxw, sgi) require dim regardless of temporal orientation — past, present, or future, dim must always co-occur (§4.1 ex. 51–58, §4.2 ex. 73–78, §4.3 ex. 82–88). Epistemic modals (imaa, gat) require dim only when the temporal orientation is future (§3.3 ex. 38–42); past and present orientations are felicitous without dim.

              The contrast with English is the central typological mirror @cite{matthewson-2013} §3.3 draws: English obligatorily marks past orientation (via have), Gitksan obligatorily marks future orientation (via dim) — but for Gitksan epistemics only. Circumstantials uniformly demand the marker.

              Whether prospective dim is required, given a modal expression and the temporal orientation of its prejacent. The asymmetry follows the modal's flavor: circumstantials always require dim; epistemics only require dim when oriented to the future.

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                Per-modal dim requirements #

                @cite{matthewson-2013} §3.3 ex. 38–42 (imaa), §3.3 (gat): epistemic modals are felicitous without dim for past/present orientations and require dim for future.

                Epistemic modals do not uniformly require dim: at least one epistemic / past-or-present pair is felicitous without it.