Deal (2011): Modals without scales #
This file formalizes [Dea11]'s account of the Nez Perce modal o'qa, used where English uses a possibility modal and where it uses a necessity modal in upward-entailing contexts, but only where it uses a possibility modal elsewhere. O'qa is a possibility modal without a Horn scale: two modals form a scale only when they quantify over the same domain, sharing a type of modality, and no stronger Nez Perce modal shares o'qa's (§2). A possibility claim without a scalar implicature holds whenever there are accessible worlds of the prejacent, even when all accessible worlds are, so in an upward-entailing context o'qa serves for both forces (§1). Under negation the necessity claim is the weaker one, and o'qa serves only where a possibility modal of English does (§3).
The claims are [Kra81b]'s simple possibility and necessity, and negation acts on them by
complement, the negative Polarity. A modal is appropriate where its claim holds and, if it has
a scalemate, the scalemate's claim fails when it is the stronger one there (Appropriate). The
contexts a modal serves for are then fixed by whether it has a scalemate and which claim is
stronger (servesFor_iff), and Table 1 follows (flexible_iff): a modal with a scale is
inflexible, a scale-free possibility modal is flexible only in upward-entailing contexts, and a
scale-free necessity modal only in downward-entailing ones.
Implementation notes #
- Forces are compared on the classical scale, weak necessity counting as necessity; the claims are simple possibility and necessity over a consistent modal base, with no ordering source.
- Negation stands in for the downward-entailing contexts of §3, the restrictions of universals
and conditional antecedents, whose rows the
environmentfeature marks; the paper treats conditional antecedents as not upward-entailing, leaving their monotonicity open (fn. 12). - The rows are o'qa's judgments by the force of the English modal of the context or translation. (11) and (12), where speakers find o'qa too weak a translation of a necessity claim, bear on the preference for possibility translations, which the paper attributes to o'qa's being a possibility modal; they are not rows.
References #
Claims #
The claim a modal of force fo makes about p over the base f: simple possibility, or
simple necessity for the universal forces.
Equations
- Deal2011.claim f p Modality.ModalForce.possibility = {w : W | Modality.simplePossibility f p w}
- Deal2011.claim f p Modality.ModalForce.weakNecessity = {w : W | Modality.simpleNecessity f p w}
- Deal2011.claim f p Modality.ModalForce.necessity = {w : W | Modality.simpleNecessity f p w}
Instances For
In a context of polarity π, the claim of force g is stronger than that of fo:
necessity is the stronger claim in an upward-entailing context, possibility under negation.
Equations
- Deal2011.StrongerIn Polarity.positive x✝¹ x✝ = (x✝.classical < x✝¹.classical)
- Deal2011.StrongerIn Polarity.negative x✝¹ x✝ = (x✝¹.classical < x✝.classical)
Instances For
Equations
- Deal2011.instDecidableStrongerIn Polarity.positive x✝¹ x✝ = { decide := x✝.classical.rank.succ.ble x✝¹.classical.rank, reflects_decide := ⋯ }
- Deal2011.instDecidableStrongerIn Polarity.negative x✝¹ x✝ = { decide := x✝¹.classical.rank.succ.ble x✝.classical.rank, reflects_decide := ⋯ }
Over a consistent base, a stronger claim entails a weaker one.
A modal of force fo, with a scalemate when s, is appropriate in a context of polarity
π where its claim holds and, if it has a scalemate whose claim is the stronger there, that
claim fails: the scalar implicature.
Equations
- Deal2011.Appropriate f p π fo s = π • Deal2011.claim f p fo ∩ {w : W | s → Deal2011.StrongerIn π fo.dual fo → w ∉ π • Deal2011.claim f p fo.dual}
Instances For
Flexibility (§1, §3, Table 1) #
A modal of force fo, with a scalemate when s, serves in a context of polarity π for
the force g when, in every consistent model, it is appropriate wherever a modal of force g
with a scale, as in English, is.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
A modal serves for its own force, and without a scalemate for any force whose claim is stronger than its own.
Equations
- Deal2011.Usable π fo s g = (fo.classical = g.classical ∨ ¬s ∧ Deal2011.StrongerIn π g fo)
Instances For
Equations
- Deal2011.instDecidableUsable π fo s g = { decide := decide (fo.classical = g.classical) || decide (¬s ∧ Deal2011.StrongerIn π g fo), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
The forces a modal serves for are its own and, if it has no scalemate, those whose claim is stronger than its own.
Table 1: a modal is flexible in a context of polarity π, serving for every force, exactly
when it has no scalemate and its own claim is the weaker there. A modal with a scale is never
flexible, a scale-free possibility modal is flexible in upward-entailing contexts only, and a
scale-free necessity modal in downward-entailing ones only.
Scales (§2) #
Two modals are scalemates, forming a Horn scale, when their lexical forces differ and they share a flavour: only quantifiers over the same domain form a scale (§2.1).
Equations
- Deal2011.Scalemates lex m m' = ((lex m).classical ≠ (lex m').classical ∧ ∃ fl ∈ m.flavors, fl ∈ m'.flavors)
Instances For
A modal has a scalemate in an inventory.
Equations
- Deal2011.HasScalemate lex L m = ∃ m' ∈ L, Deal2011.Scalemates lex m m'
Instances For
Equations
- Deal2011.instDecidableScalemates lex m m' = { decide := decide ((lex m).classical ≠ (lex m').classical) && decide (∃ x ∈ m.flavors, x ∈ m'.flavors), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
Equations
- Deal2011.instDecidableHasScalemate lex L m = Deal2011.instDecidableHasScalemate._aux_1 lex L m
A modal of the inventory L serves in a context of polarity π for the force g, given its
lexical force and whether it has a scalemate in L.
Equations
- Deal2011.ServesIn lex L π m g = Deal2011.ServesFor π (lex m) (Deal2011.HasScalemate lex L m) g
Instances For
The Nez Perce modals are possibility modals (§2): o'qa, the participial construction, which appears to express possibility, 'ax̂, which speakers judge equivalent to o'qa, and the epistemic particles 'maybe'.
Equations
Instances For
O'qa is a quantifier without a scale (§2.6).
O'qa is flexible in an upward-entailing context and not under negation.
The fragment records o'qa's upward-entailing uses: the forces it serves for.
Rows #
The modals the rows name, keyed by their forms.
Equations
- Deal2011.modalTable = List.map (fun (m : Modality.ModalItem) => (m.form, m)) NezPerce.modals
Instances For
The polarity of a row's environment: negation, the restriction of a universal and a conditional antecedent are not upward-entailing.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The force of the English modal of a row's context or translation.
Equations
- Deal2011.forceTable = [("possibility", Modality.ModalForce.possibility), ("necessity", Modality.ModalForce.necessity)]
Instances For
Every row resolves its modal and environment.
§1 and §3: o'qa is accepted in a context, or on a translation, exactly when it serves for the force of the English modal there, both forces in upward-entailing environments and possibility alone elsewhere.