Condoravdi 2002: Temporal Interpretation of Modals #
Non-root modals expand the time of evaluation forward and instantiate the property in their scope in the worlds of a modal base. Modals for the past are the same modals over the perfect, so might have is ambiguous between the modal over the perfect, an epistemic possibility about the past, and the perfect over the modal, a metaphysical possibility from a past perspective. Frame adverbials follow from intersecting the reference interval with the period named, still and already over a modal from the shrinking of live options as time advances, and the choice of modal base from the diversity condition, which a settled issue fails. The operators are stated over closed intervals of times that may run to the end of time.
Implementation notes #
- The paper's now is an interval, albeit a short one, taken here as a point, and a modal base
is indexed by the start of the reference interval; the paper's
MB(w, t)takes an interval and itsw ≃_t w'a point. - Identity of the past enters as
FixesPast, discharged for histories built from dated facts byfixesPast_eventiveandfixesPast_stative; the counterfactual implication rests on the paper's footnote assumptionPastAlternativesOutside. - The sortal restriction of already, yet and still is partiality, and only the prior-phase half of their Löbner presuppositions is stated.
TODO #
- The embedded modals of Mary believed that John may get sick are informal in the paper and absent here.
- He has still won is excluded by the paper as well known rather than derived; the German noch pattern that rests on it is a row, not a theorem.
References #
- C. Condoravdi, Temporal Interpretation of Modals (2002)
- F. Mondadori, Remarks on Tense and Mood: The Perfect Future (1978)
- D. Abusch, Sequence of Tense and Temporal De Re (1997)
- D. Abusch, Generalizing Tense Semantics for Future Contexts (1998)
- M. Enç, Tense and Modality (1996)
- J. Groenendijk and M. Stokhof, Modality and Conversational Information (1975)
- A. Kratzer, The Notional Category of Modality (1981)
- D. Lewis, Counterfactual Dependence and Time's Arrow (1979)
- S. Löbner, German schon, erst, noch: An Integrated Analysis (1989)
- R. Thomason, Combinations of Tense and Modality (1984)
The operators #
The present tense instantiates the property at the time of utterance.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.PRES now Q w = Aspect.At (Interval.pure ↑now) w Q
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The perfect instantiates the property at some interval preceding the reference interval.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.PERF Q = Aspect.SortedProperty.temporal fun (w : W) (t : Interval (WithTop T)) => ∃ (t' : NonemptyInterval (WithTop T)), (↑t').Precedes t ∧ Aspect.At (↑t') w Q
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MAY and MIGHT instantiate the property in some world of the modal base at the start of the reference interval, throughout the interval expanded forward to the end of time.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.MAY MB Q = Aspect.SortedProperty.temporal fun (w : W) (t : Interval (WithTop T)) => ∃ (t₀ : T), IsLeast ↑t ↑t₀ ∧ ∃ w' ∈ MB w t₀, Aspect.At (Interval.Ici ↑t₀) w' Q
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WOLL, the untensed modal of will and would, instantiates the property in every world of the modal base at the start of the reference interval, throughout the forward interval.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.WOLL MB Q = Aspect.SortedProperty.temporal fun (w : W) (t : Interval (WithTop T)) => ∃ (t₀ : T), IsLeast ↑t ↑t₀ ∧ ∀ w' ∈ MB w t₀, Aspect.At (Interval.Ici ↑t₀) w' Q
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A frame adverbial such as yesterday instantiates a property of eventualities within
the intersection of the reference interval with the period named. The paper leaves it undefined
on properties of times, which the theorems carry as IsEventuality.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.frame period Q = Aspect.SortedProperty.temporal fun (w : W) (t : Interval (WithTop T)) => Aspect.At (t ⊓ period) w Q
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Already, yet and still are the identity on properties of states and of times and undefined on properties of events.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.phase (Aspect.SortedProperty.eventive P) = none
- Condoravdi2002.phase x✝ = some x✝
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Characterizations #
At a nonempty interval, MAY takes its modal base at the interval's start.
At the present, MAY holds when some world of the base at the present has the property throughout the forward interval.
At the present, WOLL holds when every world of the base at the present has the property throughout the forward interval.
The perfect of an event holds at a ray when the event ended before the ray starts.
At the present, the perfect over MAY holds when some past time has, in some world of the base at that time, the property throughout that time's forward interval.
The three readings #
A modal for the present with an eventive predicate, he might run, holds when some world of the base at the present has the event starting no earlier than the present. Future orientation is obligatory.
A modal for the present with a stative predicate, he might be here, holds when some world of the base at the present has the state persisting at or past the present. The state may have started earlier, so future orientation is optional.
The modal over the perfect, he may have won, holds when some world of the base at the present has the event ending before the present. This is the epistemic reading, with present perspective and past orientation.
The perfect over the modal, he might have won, holds when some past time has, in some world of the base at that time, the event starting no earlier than it. This is the counterfactual reading, with past perspective and future orientation, Mondadori's future in the past.
Frame adverbials #
A modal for the present rejects a period wholly before the present, he may win yesterday, since the forward interval meets it in the null interval.
The modal over the perfect rejects a period lying at or after the present, he must have been available next month and it must have been raining now, since the interval the perfect supplies precedes the present, and so the period.
Live options shrink #
A possibility at a time was a possibility at every earlier time, since the metaphysical base widens backward and the forward interval lengthens. This is why still, whose presupposition is a prior positive phase, scopes over a possibility modal, he may still win, and already, whose presupposition is a prior negative phase, cannot, he may already win; read backward, it is why he may win this game is false once he has lost.
The prior-phase half of Löbner's presupposition of already requires a prior negative phase.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.AlreadyPresup Q w now = ∃ t' < now, ¬Condoravdi2002.PRES t' Q w
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The prior-phase half of Löbner's presupposition of still requires a prior positive phase.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.StillPresup Q w now = ∃ t' < now, Condoravdi2002.PRES t' Q w
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In he may already win, the presupposition of already over a metaphysical possibility contradicts its assertion.
In he may still win, the presupposition of still over a metaphysical possibility is not merely consistent with the shrinking of possibilities, as the paper puts it, but entailed by the assertion, given any earlier time.
Settledness and the diversity condition #
The history relation fixes the instantiation of Q at every interval up to its time, so that
worlds identical up to t agree on Q there.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.FixesPast history Q = ∀ (t : T) (w w' : W), w' ∈ history (w, t) → ∀ (r : Interval (WithTop T)), (∀ x ∈ r, x ≤ ↑t) → (Aspect.At r w Q ↔ Aspect.At r w' Q)
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Worlds agreeing on the events that have begun agree on which events lie within an interval of the past.
Worlds agreeing on the states that have begun agree on which states overlap an interval of the past.
Instantiation in the past of the perspective, the modal over the perfect, is settled in every common ground.
Instantiation at the present, a stative with now, is settled in every common ground, since the forward interval restricted to the present is the present.
A common ground that settles a property fails the diversity condition for the metaphysical base, so a context cannot assign that base to a possibility modal applying to it, and the modal over the perfect and the present-referring stative are epistemic.
The counterfactual implication #
The paper's footnote assumption says that a past alternative of a common-ground world that is no alternative at the time of utterance lies outside the common ground.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.PastAlternativesOutside history cg t₀ = ∀ w ∈ cg, ∀ t' ≤ t₀, ∀ w' ∈ history.metaphysicalBase w t', w' ∉ history.metaphysicalBase w t₀ → w' ∉ cg
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The counterfactual implication holds. When no present alternative verifies the past possibility, the world that does lies outside the common ground, which is what the speaker's backtracking to a past perspective signals.
Perspective and orientation #
A Scope is a scoping of a possibility modal with respect to the perfect.
- modal : Scope
The modal alone, as in he may win.
- modalPerf : Scope
The modal over the perfect, as in he may have won, the epistemic reading.
- perfModal : Scope
The perfect over the modal, as in he might have won, the counterfactual reading.
Instances For
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.instDecidableEqScope x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.instFintypeScope = { elems := { val := ↑Condoravdi2002.Scope.enumList, nodup := Condoravdi2002.Scope.enumList_nodup }, complete := Condoravdi2002.instFintypeScope._proof_1 }
s.lf is the scoping s as an operator on the property under the modal.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.Scope.lf MB Condoravdi2002.Scope.modal x✝ = Condoravdi2002.MAY MB x✝
- Condoravdi2002.Scope.lf MB Condoravdi2002.Scope.modalPerf x✝ = Condoravdi2002.MAY MB (Condoravdi2002.PERF x✝)
- Condoravdi2002.Scope.lf MB Condoravdi2002.Scope.perfModal x✝ = Condoravdi2002.PERF (Condoravdi2002.MAY MB x✝)
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s.perspective is the time at which the modal base is evaluated, read off the three readings,
the present in pres_may_eventive_iff and pres_may_perf_eventive_iff, the past time the perfect
supplies in pres_perf_may_eventive_iff.
Equations
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s.orientation is the direction of the instantiation from the perspective, read off the three
readings, where the event starts no earlier than the perspective, or ends before it.
Equations
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A past perspective comes with a future orientation, the empty cell of the paper's table.
A model #
winOn d is the predicate of a winning on day d, in a one-world model over integer days.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.winOn d x✝ e = (e = NonemptyInterval.pure d)
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The unrestricted modal base admits every world.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.anyWorld x✝¹ x✝ = Set.univ
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Equations
- Condoravdi2002.instDecidableEqZone x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The period a zone names is its day.
Instances For
s.zones are the zones the reference interval of the scoping s reaches, the forward interval
of the present, the intervals before it, or the forward interval of a past time.
Equations
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In the model, the scoping's sentence about a winning on the zone's day, framed by that day and uttered on day 0, is true.
Equations
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The zone table is the satisfiability table, since a scoping admits a period exactly when its
sentence about that period can be true, the deviant cells being frame_modal_past and
frame_modalPerf_nonpast, the others witnessed.
The rows #
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.scopes = [("modal", Condoravdi2002.Scope.modal), ("modalPerf", Condoravdi2002.Scope.modalPerf), ("perfModal", Condoravdi2002.Scope.perfModal)]
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An adverbial row records the scoping, the sort of the predicate, and the zone of the frame adverbial.
- scope : Scope
The scoping.
- sort : Aspect.Dynamicity
The sort of the predicate.
- zone : Zone
The zone of the period.
Instances For
Adverbial.ofRow row is the configuration that the adverbial row row records.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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In the adverbial patterns of [1], [2], [29], [34] and [35], a frame adverbial is deviant
exactly when its zone lies outside the scoping's satisfiable cells, zones_iff; the one
questionable row is the eventive predicate with now under a modal for the present, which
the semantics admits by an event within the present.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.instDecidableEqContext x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Reading.ofRow row is the configuration that the reading row row records, and whether the
paper finds the metaphysical reading available.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The metaphysical base is assignable when the instantiation is neither in the past of the
perspective, settled_perf, nor at the present, settled_present, nor settled by the
context.
Equations
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Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
In the readings of [6], [7], [41] and [42], the metaphysical reading is available exactly where settledness is not guaranteed.
A Complement is the complement that a phase adverb applies to.
- eventive : Complement
- perfect : Complement
Instances For
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.instDecidableEqComplement x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
c.property is a representative property of the sort of the complement c.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.Complement.eventive.property = Aspect.SortedProperty.eventive fun (x : Unit) (x_1 : NonemptyInterval Unit) => True
- Condoravdi2002.Complement.perfect.property = Condoravdi2002.PERF (Aspect.SortedProperty.eventive fun (x : Unit) (x_1 : NonemptyInterval Unit) => True)
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A sortal row records the complement of already or yet.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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By the sortal restriction of [14] and [15], already and yet are acceptable exactly on the
complements where phase is defined, the perfect of an eventive predicate among them.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.instDecidableEqPhase x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
A phase row records the adverb scoping over the possibility modal.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.Phase.ofRow row = do guard (row.feature? "construction" = some "phase") row.parse? "adverb" [("already", Condoravdi2002.Phase.already), ("still", Condoravdi2002.Phase.still)]
Instances For
In the scopings of [36], [37] and [40], still over a possibility modal is acceptable and
already is not, still_may and not_already_may.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.instDecidableEqOrder x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
p.order is the order that the presuppositions of the adverb p require, schon the modal
over already over the perfect, since already can scope neither over a possibility modal,
not_already_may, nor under it on an eventive radical, phase; noch the perfect over still
over the modal, on the paper's exclusion of still over the perfect.
Equations
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A German row records the order and the adverb.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The German pattern [38] is acceptable exactly when the syntax realizes the order the adverb requires.