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Universals in comparative morphology: Suppletion, superlatives, and the structure of words

Bobaljik, J. D. (2012). MIT Press

Bobaljik surveys comparative and superlative suppletion in some 300 languages and finds three root patterns — AAA, ABB, ABC — with *AAB unattested and *ABA attested only in a Basque doublet that the book leaves open (section 4.1.2): the Comparative-Superlative Generalization (1)–(2), beside the Synthetic Superlative Generalization (3), the Root Suppletion Generalization (4), and Lesslessness (5). All but the last follow from the Containment Hypothesis (6) — the superlative contains the comparative — under Late Insertion, Elsewhere ordering, and locality (8). A comparative root allomorph is chosen in the superlative too, so ABA needs an accidental homophony that Antihomophony (44) excludes; AAB needs a superlative-conditioned allomorph with no comparative counterpart, either a root allomorph conditioned across the comparative (190), which meets the markedness condition (202) and which adjacency excludes, or a portmanteau with no context-free counterpart (201), which (202) excludes; and a root sees CMPR only when Merger has made the comparative synthetic (90), which is the RSG, with the SSG as Merger's downward closure. The same locality condition limits CSG1 to periphrastic superlatives that embed the comparative (§3.3.3), so Russian plox-oj – xuž-e – samyj plox-oj, whose superlative embeds the positive, is ABA without any homophony.

The derivation of CSG1 here uses containment and antihomophony but no property of the Elsewhere ordering: under any ranking of an antihomophonous vocabulary the comparative's allomorph blocks the positive's in the superlative, and the ordering decides only which contiguous pattern a vocabulary yields. Antihomophony (44) bars only contextual allomorphs homophonous with a default, while the engine assumes that all exponents are distinct; the difference matters from four grades on, where two homophonous contextual allomorphs yield ABCB.

Main definitions

Implementation notes

Lesslessness (5) — no language has a synthetic comparative of inferiority ((278)–(279)) — is the book's most robust generalization but is not derived here: its account, a polarity-reversing head under the Complexity Condition, is a sketch in the book as well. The generalizations concern relative superlatives only; absolute superlatives lack the comparative component and its structure.

The book gives no Russian vocabulary. russianBad is built in the format of the Greek (93), with the comparative root xud- that §6.4.4 identifies in xuž-e.

References

Merger as successive-cyclic head bundling

L97–102
L109–123
L125–147
L150–154

The synthetic extent

L158–164
L170–173
L186–192

Word-internal realization

L201–208

CSG1

CSG1 under any ranking

Selecting the applicable rule of greatest score realizes a contiguous pattern whatever the score, since applicability grows with the grade. The Elsewhere ordering is one score among others: it decides which contiguous pattern a vocabulary yields, not that the pattern is contiguous.

The suppletive triples (Tables 4.1 and 4.2)

The 73 adjectival cognate triples of Table 4.1, each with the root classes the book assigns its grades: ABC for the triples (31) names and the Greek pair counted on p. 112, ABA for the Basque doublet (143), and ABB for the rest, by the summary on p. 109. The quantifier triples of Table 4.2 follow in their own section. A triple counts once however many languages share it (section 1.3).

L280–282
L284–287

The broad sample (Appendix A)

The 148 languages of Table A.1, chosen on a quasi-random basis (section 1.3). Most languages satisfy the generalizations for trivial reasons, lacking suppletion, superlatives or adjectives (p. 16): a language bears on the CSG only with suppletion and a morphological superlative.

The English Fragment

The Synthetic Superlative Generalization over both samples (§3.4)

The focused survey of Table B.1 adds 174 languages with morphological comparison or comparative suppletion and their relatives (section 1.3). A table row records the synthetic extents of the language's adjectives, so Merger's downward closure predicts the SSG (89) of every row. Over both tables four rows fail it, the apparent counterexamples of §3.4.2 and §3.4.3: Western and Eastern Armenian, whose superlative amen-a- may be a compound or sit on a null comparative affix; Zulu, whose questionable -kazi may form absolute superlatives; and Alutor, whose brief description omits the comparative suffix that the longer description of its sister Koryak records.

L415–419

The book's vocabularies (ch. 2, ch. 5)

Each vocabulary is run through the Elsewhere engine of Morphology/Exponence/Containment/Contiguity.lean; the syncretism of the realized cells is the root pattern.

L493–497

The unattested shapes

AAB has two routes, each closed by one condition: a root allomorph conditioned by a nonadjacent SPRL ((190), (45)), and a portmanteau conditioned by SPRL with no comparative-level counterpart ((201)). Surface ABA has one, accidental homophony, closed by Antihomophony ((44)).

Periphrasis and locality (§3.3)

Periphrastic superlatives (§3.3.3)

A periphrastic superlative may embed the comparative word, as Greek o cheiró-ter-os does, or the positive, as Russian samyj plox-oj does. By locality (90) only the first inherits a suppletive comparative root, so CSG1 holds of the first type and fails for the second.

With a suppletive comparative, CSG1 holds of the superlative exactly when the superlative's adjective word contains the comparative head (§3.3.3).

theorem csg1_iff_one_leL609–625
{F : Type u_1} {e : Fin 3 → Fin 3} (he : ∀ (g : Fin 3), e g ≤ g) {v : Morphology.Exponence.RuleSet (Morphology.Containment.SpanRule 3 F)} (hAH : v.Antihomophonous) (h : Morphology.Containment.realize v (e 1) ≠ Morphology.Containment.realize v (e 0)) :

The periphrastic superlative o cheiró-ter-os (106a) embeds the comparative word, so it inherits the suppletive root.

theorem greek_superlativeL627–630
:
realizeIn { wordTop := 1 } greekBad 2 = some "cheiró"

Built from ,

Plox-oj, xuž-e, samyj plox-oj (106d) is ABA under an antihomophonous vocabulary, since its periphrastic superlative lacks CMPR.

theorem russian_bad_eq_ploxojL641–648

Built from , ,

In the English, Latin and Russian Fragments a superlative on the positive's root after a comparative on another is periphrastic, embedding the positive, so every morphological superlative satisfies CSG1.

theorem periphrastic_of_abaL657–666

Built from

The quantifier triples (Table 4.2)

Of the quantifier triples, all but three are ABB; the three apparent ABA triples are Karelian, Armenian and Bulgarian (165). Bulgarian naj is a freestanding particle (pp. 127-128) and Armenian amena- a compound with amen 'all' (pp. 128-129), so their superlatives embed the positive, as Russian samyj plox-oj does. The Karelian ABA comes from Zajkov's dictionary; the online dictionary gives the ABB triple (170), which a questionnaire of seven speakers bears out (pp. 129-131), none of whom gave or recognized Zajkov's superlative.

Zajkov's Karelian (165a), the one non-contiguous quantifier triple no parse makes ABB, has a form no questionnaire respondent gave or recognized (p. 130).

theorem exists_ungrammatical_of_not_isContiguousL698–706

Built from ,

The nanosyntax reading

The book treats opt- and gor- as portmanteaus by Fusion or insertion at a nonterminal node, citing Caha 2009 among others (§5.3.1). Caha's lexicon does it with context-free entries storing successively larger constituents, competing under the Superset Principle.