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Studies.SmithMoskalEtAl2019

Smith, Moskal, Xu, Kang and Bobaljik (2019): Case and Number Suppletion in Pronouns #

This file formalizes Smith, Moskal, Xu, Kang and Bobaljik's extension of Bobaljik's containment account of suppletion from adjectival degree to pronominal case, over the case hierarchy of Caha, and to pronominal number, over a hierarchy in which the dual contains the plural (Greenberg's Universal 34, the paper's (26)). Each hierarchy is a three-grade containment structure, so Elsewhere insertion over it generates exactly the contiguous patterns and excludes *ABA (generable_iff_contiguous, aba_not_generable); the attested AAA, ABB and ABC patterns are read off the pronoun paradigms of Data/Forms/SmithMoskalEtAl2019 (paradigm, lezgian_aaa, icelandic_abb, russian_abb, awtuw_abb), and the rules (15) for the Icelandic first person generate its ABB (icelandic_abb_generated).

The domains diverge on AAB. Under the structural adjacency Bobaljik assumes for degree, terminal rules with adjacent contexts cannot distinguish the second and third grades, so AAB is unattested for degree (realize_one_eq_two_of_terminal_adjacent, aab_not_generable_of_terminal_adjacent); section 3.6 finds genuine AAB in pronominal case, the absolutive and ergative sharing a base yet remaining distinct where a syncretic {A=A}B pattern would not (wardaman_aab, khinalugh_aab, genuine_aab, archi_syncretic), and section 4.2 finds it in pronominal number (yagua_aab, wambaya_aab, dehu_aab). The paper's section 3.7 replaces adjacency by the accessibility domain of Moskal, the first category-defining node above the root and one node above that: the domain bounds which heads may condition root suppletion (DomainLocal), the plateau reappears for any vocabulary whose conditioning heads lie in a domain (realize_const_of_terminal_domainLocal), terminal adjacency is its smallest nontrivial instance (domainLocal_of_terminal_adjacent), and the rules (20) for Wardaman, local at the trivial domain of a pronoun, generate the attested AAB while containment and the Elsewhere condition still exclude ABA (wardaman_aab_generated, wardaman_realize_contiguous).

Implementation notes #

References #

TODO #

Section 4.3's number containment hypothesis, [±augmented] containing [±singular] with the marked value of a feature visible to suppletion, is not formalized; the number hierarchy is the containment of section 4.1.

Paradigms from the form table #

The base class the paper's pattern label assigns a form.

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    Three cells in the order of the hierarchy as a paradigm of base classes.

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      Wardaman third singular, absolutive, ergative and dative (Table 25, [Mer94]).

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        Khinalugh second singular (Table 24).

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          Icelandic first singular, nominative, accusative and dative (Table 6).

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            Russian first singular (Table 10).

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              Lezgian first singular (Table 11).

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                Awtuw first person, singular, plural and dual (Table 33).

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                  Yagua second person (Table 46).

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                    Wambaya first inclusive (Table 46).

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                      Dehu third masculine (Table 46).

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                        Containment excludes ABA, sections 3.3 and 4.2 #

                        Over a three-grade containment hierarchy a pattern is generable by Elsewhere insertion exactly when it is contiguous, for case and for number alike.

                        No ABA pattern is generable. This is the reading that excludes the apparent Archi second plural for case and the doubtful Yagua third person for number.

                        Of the attested patterns of the case hierarchy, Lezgian's is AAA and Icelandic's and Russian's are ABB.

                        Awtuw's plural and dual share a base, the attested ABB of the number hierarchy.

                        The rules (15) for the Icelandic first singular are an accusative-conditioned m- and an elsewhere ég. By containment the m- base spreads to the dative.

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                          Structural adjacency and the absence of AAB for degree, section 2 #

                          Under [Bob12]'s structural adjacency, terminal rules with adjacent contexts cannot distinguish the second grade from the third.

                          So no AAB pattern is generable under structural adjacency.

                          AAB attested for case, section 3.6, and for number, section 4.2 #

                          Wardaman and Khinalugh are AAB, contiguous with the third cell alone suppletive.

                          The Wardaman and Khinalugh AAB is genuine rather than syncretism, since the absolutive and ergative are distinct forms on one base, where the Archi second singular's are identical, the {A=A}B of Table 20 the paper sets aside as a two-way contrast.

                          The number witnesses of Table 46 are AAB.

                          The attested AAB patterns are contiguous, so containment admits them, yet no terminal vocabulary under structural adjacency generates them, so the pronominal data refute the adjacency condition.

                          Accessibility domains, section 3.7 #

                          Adjacency is too strict: Tamil supplets for the dative across the plural morpheme, so locality may have to appeal to domains rather than adjacency. The accessibility domain of [Mos15b], the heads merged when the root's cycle is fixed, bounds which heads may condition root suppletion; a lexical noun or adjective has a category node that keeps case and the superlative outside the domain, a pronoun has none and every case head is visible.

                          Every conditioning head lies within the accessibility domain [0, d]. This bounds the contexts of rules, not the spans they expone.

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                            @[instance_reducible]
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                            Terminal rules local to a domain have thresholds inside it.

                            With terminal rules whose contexts lie in a domain, realization is constant above the domain. At the comparative this is the no-AAB plateau of degree without an adjacency condition.

                            Terminal adjacency is locality at any domain containing the first head.

                            The rules (20b) and (20f) for the Wardaman third person are a dative-conditioned gunga and an elsewhere narnaj.

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                              The Wardaman vocabulary is antihomophonous and local at the trivial domain of a pronoun, and generates the attested AAB.

                              The same vocabulary satisfies neither structural adjacency nor [Bob12]'s markedness condition (202), so the attested pronominal AAB refutes both as conditions on suppletion in general.

                              ABA stays excluded at the trivial domain, where containment with the Elsewhere condition suffices.