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Studies.BobaljikHarley2017

Bobaljik and Harley (2017): Suppletion is local: Evidence from Hiaki #

A trigger may condition the suppletion of a head only if no phrasal boundary separates them. In the first formulation the boundary is a maximal projection, and in the refined one any projection above the head level, so that a specifier is not local to its head either. Hiaki verbs supplete for the number of an argument, of the object of a transitive verb and of the subject of an intransitive one. Since an internal argument is base-generated as the sister of its Root, the object is local to the Root, while an external argument, in the specifier of VoiceP, is separated from it by the Root's own projection. The subjects that condition suppletion are therefore those of unaccusative verbs, which the applicative -ria, impossible without an agentive verb, confirms. The locality is structural rather than word-internal: within a complex head and with a sister phrase alike, conditioning is local exactly where no phrase intervenes.

The refined condition also decides between the configurations in which the internal argument is introduced. As the Root's sister it may condition the Root under both formulations. In the specifier of the categorizer that takes the Root as its complement, as in Embick's resultative participles, it may do so only under the first. Adjoined to a low functional projection above the Root, as van Craenenbroeck suggests, it may do so under neither, since the lower segment of that projection is already a maximal one.

Main statements #

Implementation notes #

TODO #

The typological survey of number-conditioned suppletion and the subject-conditioned transitive suppletives of Seri and Hiw, which the chapter leaves to further investigation, are not formalized.

References #

The configurations of the chapter #

The categories are two abstract ones for the schematic trees, the Root's own, Voice, the verbalizer, a low functional head, and determiner phrases.

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    def BobaljikHarley2017.instReprCat.repr :
    Cat → ℕ → Std.Format
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      The terminals are heads, phrases, Roots, DPs with their number, and the heads Voice, v and F.

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        def BobaljikHarley2017.instDecidableEqWord.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Word) :
        Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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          def BobaljikHarley2017.instReprWord.repr :
          Word → ℕ → Std.Format
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            Trees over the chapter's categories.

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              The schematic tree (19), a head with a specifier and a complement.

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                theorem BobaljikHarley2017.mayCondition_mayCondition'_tree19 :
                DistributedMorphology.MayCondition tree19 { toList := [1, 0] } { toList := [0] } ∧ DistributedMorphology.MayCondition tree19 { toList := [1, 0] } { toList := [1, 1] } ∧ ¬DistributedMorphology.MayCondition' tree19 { toList := [1, 0] } { toList := [0] } ∧ DistributedMorphology.MayCondition' tree19 { toList := [1, 0] } { toList := [1, 1] }

                Both arguments of a head are local to it under (1), only its complement under (1′) (19).

                The schematic tree (20), a head with a specifier over a phrase whose head has a specifier and a complement.

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                  theorem BobaljikHarley2017.mayCondition'_tree20 :
                  DistributedMorphology.MayCondition' tree20 { toList := [1, 1, 1, 0] } { toList := [1, 1, 1, 1] } ∧ ¬DistributedMorphology.MayCondition' tree20 { toList := [1, 1, 1, 0] } { toList := [1, 1, 0] } ∧ ¬DistributedMorphology.MayCondition' tree20 { toList := [1, 1, 1, 0] } { toList := [0] } ∧ ¬DistributedMorphology.MayCondition' tree20 { toList := [1, 1, 1, 0] } { toList := [1, 0] }

                  Of the phrases of (20) only the complement of Y⁰ may condition it under (1′), and the higher head X⁰ may not either.

                  Hiaki clauses #

                  The Root's projection, the internal argument base-generated as the Root's sister (13).

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                    The clause, VoiceP over the Root's projection, the external argument in its specifier (14).

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                      The position of the Root in the clause.

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                        The numbers of the DPs that may condition the head at α under (1′).

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                          Only the internal argument is local to the Root. Whatever arguments a Hiaki clause has, the numbers that may condition its Root are exactly that of its internal argument.

                          The context that locality gives a Root's Vocabulary Items, its index and the numbers local to it.

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                            The context locality gives a Root is the one Harley's site stipulates, so Hiaki suppletion is spelled out over the context that (1′) delivers.

                            Head movement of the Root to Voice adjoins the Root to Voice, leaving a trace.

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                              Moved to Voice, the Root is separated from the external argument by no maximal projection, so (1) would let an external argument condition it; (1′) does not, since Voice′ is phrasal.

                              The applicative diagnostic #

                              The classes of the applicative examples.

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                                  The applicative -ria needs an agentive verb, a clause with an external argument.

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                                    The classes as named in the rows.

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                                      The applicative examples with a suffixed -ria, by their verb class and judgment.

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                                        A frame for the suppletive intransitives fits the rows when every suffixed applicative is acceptable exactly where its frame is agentive.

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                                          Of the single-argument frames only the unaccusative one fits the applicative rows, so the suppletive intransitives are unaccusative and their subjects internal arguments, local to the Root (16).

                                          The configurations of an internal argument #

                                          An internal argument is introduced as the Root's sister, in the specifier of the categorizer that takes the Root as its complement, or adjoined to a low functional projection over the Root.

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                                              The tree of a configuration with the internal argument of number n, the Root at position [1, 1] in the last two and [1] in the first.

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                                                Under (1′) the internal argument may condition the Root only as its sister.

                                                Under (1) the internal argument may condition the Root as its sister and as the specifier of the categorizer, but not adjoined to a low projection, whose lower segment is maximal.