Keenan & Comrie (1977) [KC77] #
Noun Phrase Accessibility and Universal Grammar. Linguistic Inquiry 8(1): 63–99.
Formalizes the three Hierarchy Constraints (HCs) and the derived Primary Relativization Constraint (PRC) from [KC77], verified against a subset of the paper's Table 1 data (pp. 76-79).
Architecture #
This file derives K&C's typological theorems directly from
Fragments.{Lang}.relMarkers : List Marker, the per-language
data layer encoding actual linguistic markers (particles, pronouns,
verbal suffixes). No intermediate KCProfile/StrategyEntry schema —
predicates and aggregations are stated over List Marker
directly, projecting through Marker.{positions, bearsCaseMarking, rcPosition} as needed.
The Fragment files cite [KC79] (the per-language exemplification appendix originally intended for publication with K&C 1977 — Language 55(2): 333–351) inline where its sentence-level examples back the descriptive marker data.
Hierarchy Constraints #
The paper proposes three constraints on how languages form relative clauses, building on the Accessibility Hierarchy (AH):
SU > DO > IO > OBL > GEN > OCOMP
- HC₁ (p. 67): A language must be able to relativize subjects.
- HC₂ (Continuity) (p. 67): Any RC-forming strategy must apply to a continuous segment of the AH.
- HC₃ (Cut-off) (p. 67): Strategies that apply at one point may cease at any lower point.
From HC₁ + HC₂, the Primary Relativization Constraint (p. 68) follows: if a language's primary strategy (one that covers subjects) can apply to a low position N, it can apply to all positions above N. Non-primary strategies need not satisfy this — they may cover a continuous segment that excludes subjects (e.g., the +case strategy covering IO–OCOMP but not SU–DO in Welsh and Arabic, p. 70 + Table 1 p. 76).
Multi-Strategy Profiles #
The paper's key empirical contribution is showing that languages typically have multiple relativization strategies, each covering a different contiguous segment of the AH. The ±case distinction (whether the relative element bears case marking) is the primary parameter distinguishing strategies.
Sample #
Seventeen of the paper's Table 1 languages plus Yoruba (post-1977) cover
the key patterns: gap-to-resumptive split (Welsh, Hebrew, Arabic, Toba
Batak; prenominal and reaching OCOMP in Mandarin; below a participial
cut-off in Turkish), multi-strategy with prenominal RCs (Korean, Finnish,
Japanese, German), single-strategy (Malagasy, Basque, French, Russian),
subject-only with voice-mediated promotion (Malagasy, Tagalog),
correlative (Hindi), and per-position strategy split with
serial-verb-mediated obliques (Yoruba). Every AH position from SU to GEN
is attested as a primary cut-off (each_upper_cutoff_attested).
HC₁: a language can relativize subjects iff some marker covers SU.
Equations
- KeenanComrie1977.SatisfiesHC1 markers = ∃ m ∈ markers, m.Covers RelativeClause.AHPosition.subject
Instances For
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- KeenanComrie1977.instDecidableSatisfiesHC1 markers = id inferInstance
HC₂: every marker covers a contiguous segment of the AH.
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- KeenanComrie1977.SatisfiesHC2 markers = ∀ m ∈ markers, m.IsContinuous
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- KeenanComrie1977.instDecidableSatisfiesHC2 markers = id inferInstance
PRC: every primary marker is upward-closed on the AH. If marker m
is primary and covers position pos, then m covers every position
above pos. This is the paper's Primary Relativization Constraint
(p. 68), which follows from HC₂ for primary strategies (see
prc_from_hc2 below for the general derivation).
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- KeenanComrie1977.instDecidableSatisfiesPRC markers = id inferInstance
The lowest AH position covered by any marker in the list (i.e., the
deepest the language can reach). Returns .subject if even SU is
uncovered (vacuously, since HC₁ would be violated).
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Per-language abbrevs over Fragment marker lists. The original 17-language sample from the paper plus Yoruba (added later via [Awo78] + [KC79]).
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K&C's "Chinese (spoken Pekingese)" (Table 1 pp. 76-79).
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Table 1's "Hindi".
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The 17-language sub-sample from the original paper Table 1 (pp. 76-79).
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The original 17-language sample plus Yoruba (the only post-1977
addition; refutes one of the paper's implicit ±case generalizations
— see yoruba_refutes_minus_case_covers_subjects below).
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HC₁ holds: every language in the sample can relativize subjects.
HC₂ holds: every marker in every sampled language covers a contiguous AH segment.
PRC holds: every primary marker satisfies upward closure on the AH.
Restating HC₁ in terms of Marker.IsPrimary: every language
has at least one primary marker.
The PRC is order upward-closure: in any PRC-satisfying language, a
primary marker's coverage is an IsUpperSet on the AHPosition scale
order. Keenan & Comrie's Primary Relativization Constraint is the
order-theoretic "upper set" property — the same IsUpperSet that
Core.Order.Markedness uses for differential-marking cutoffs — rather
than a bespoke rank predicate.
In the original 17-language sub-sample, every -case marker covers subjects. The -case (gap/deletion) strategy is always primary when present in those languages.
REFUTED by Yoruba — see yoruba_refutes_minus_case_covers_subjects
below: Yoruba has gap markers for DO and OBL that do not cover SU
because subject relativization independently uses pronoun retention
(ó, per [Awo78] §6.19).
[KC79] effectively documents Yoruba as a refutation
of the gap-implies-subject correlation. Yoruba's IO/OBL relativization
is mediated by serial-verb DO recasting (K&C 1979 p. 349), producing
-case markers that do not cover SU. SU relativization independently
uses pronoun retention (ó, K&C 1979 p. 350 analyzes as verb
agreement; descriptive surface form per [Awo78] §6.19).
Most languages in the sample use more than one marker, with markers covering different segments.
+case markers that are non-primary (don't cover SU) never cover SU in our sample. This reflects the typological generalization that pronoun retention is used for lower, not higher, AH positions. Holds across all 18 languages including Yoruba.
Every AH position from SU down to GEN is attested in the sample as the cut-off of some primary marker — the paper's §1.3 justification of HC₃ (each point on the AH is a possible cut-off point). The paper's OCOMP-cutoff witnesses (Czech, Slovenian, Urhobo) are not in the encoded sample.
Toba Batak has a genuine gap at DO: neither marker can relativize direct objects. This is consistent with the HCs because each individual marker is contiguous — the gap exists between markers, not within one. The paper notes this explicitly (p. 68-69: "direct objects cannot be relativized using this or any other strategy in Toba").
Despite the DO gap, Toba Batak satisfies HC₂: both individual markers are contiguous (SU alone; IO–GEN alone).
English (Table 1 p. 76): -case that/∅ covers SU/DO (2 positions);
+case who/whom covers IO/OBL/GEN/OCOMP (4 positions).
Welsh (Table 1 p. 76; paper §1.3.2 p. 70): markers split at DO/IO. -case (particle a) covers SU/DO; +case (particle y + resumptive) covers IO/OBL/GEN/OCOMP.
Arabic (MSA) (Table 1 p. 76): the relative pronoun alladhī/allatii used alone (-case strategy) covers SU only; alladhī/allatii with a resumptive pronoun (+case strategy) covers DO–OCOMP.
Malagasy (Table 1 p. 78; paper §1.3.1 p. 69-70): single marker, SU only.
Korean (Table 1 p. 78; paper §1.3.4 p. 74): -case adnominal verb suffix covers SU/DO/IO/OBL but not GEN; +case genitive marker covers GEN only.
Mandarin — K&C's "Chinese (spoken Pekingese)" (Table 1 pp. 76-79): -case gap covers SU/DO; +case retention covers DO–OCOMP. The two strategies overlap at DO (retention optional there, Table 2), and retention reaches the hierarchy floor despite the prenominal RC.
Basque (Table 1 p. 76; §1.3.3 p. 72): single -case strategy covering SU/DO/IO — the sample's witness that IO is a possible primary cut-off.
French (Table 1 p. 76): the single +case relative pronoun system covers SU–GEN (OCOMP blank).
German (Table 1 p. 77; §1.1 exx. (1)-(2), §1.3.1 p. 70): the +case relative pronoun covers SU–GEN; the -case participial strategy covers SU only.
Hindi (Table 1 p. 77): both +case strategies (postnominal jo, the correlative coded "internal" there) are primary and cover SU–GEN; OCOMP is treated as an oblique.
Japanese (Table 1 p. 77): the -case gap strategy reaches GEN (OBL and GEN only for some NPs); retention appears only at GEN.
Russian (Table 1 p. 78): the single declining relative pronoun kotoryj covers SU–GEN (OCOMP blank).
Tagalog (Table 1 p. 79; §1.3.1 p. 70): two -case strategies (postnominal and prenominal linker), each covering SU only.
Turkish (Table 1 p. 79): -case participles cover SU–OBL; +case retention covers GEN and (marginally) OCOMP — the Korean pattern plus retention below the participial cut-off.
Finnish (Table 1 p. 76; paper §1.3.2 p. 70-71): the +case marker joka is the broader/primary one (covers SU–GEN); the -case participial marker also covers SU but is narrower (SU/DO only).
Yoruba: 4 per-position markers. relTiSubject (-case, primary, only SU); relTiObject (-case, NOT primary, only DO); relTiOblique (-case, NOT primary, IO/OBL); relTiGenitive (+case, NOT primary, GEN only). All 4 individually contiguous on the AH, so HC₂ holds.
HC₂ ("any RC-forming strategy must apply to a continuous segment of the
AH") is a paper-anchored claim. The contiguity machinery (contiguousOnAH,
AHPosition.rank) lives in Typology/RelativeClause/Basic.lean because it
mirrors Features/Case/Basic.lean's IsValidInventory and is genuinely
framework-agnostic. The specific contiguous-segment witnesses below
exemplify HC₂ on the AH and are part of [KC77]'s core
argumentation.
The full hierarchy [SU, DO, IO, OBL, GEN, OCOMP] is contiguous.
A single position is trivially contiguous.
[SU, DO] is contiguous.
[IO, OBL, GEN] is contiguous (a non-primary segment).
[SU, DO, OBL] is NOT contiguous (skips IO at rank 4).
The PRC is the paper's main derivation: it follows from HC₁ + HC₂ rather
than being an independent stipulation. The general proof lives here (paper
content), not in Typology/RelativeClause/Basic.lean (substrate).
Primary Relativization Constraint (general proof).
If a list of AH positions is contiguous (HC₂) and contains .subject
(i.e., the strategy is primary), then the list is upward-closed:
for any covered position p, all positions above p on the AH
are also covered.
This proves that the PRC is a logical consequence of HC₂ + being primary, not an independent constraint — the paper's core derivation ([KC77] p. 68: "PRC₂ follows directly from HC₂ and the definition of primary").
All 6 canonical primary strategy segments are upward-closed.
These are the only possible contiguous segments containing .subject.