Documentation

Linglib.Morphology.RootTypology

Root Typology: States and Changes of State ([BEJ+21], B&[BKG20]) [BEJ+21] [BKG20] [Coo19] #

[Ara05] [Dix82] [Emb04] [Dow91] [Emb09] [RSN21] [Lev93]

Beavers, Everdell, Jerro, Kauhanen, [BEJ+21] "States and changes of state: A crosslinguistic study of the roots of verbal meaning." Language 97(3), 439–484.

Core contribution #

Change-of-state verb roots split into two types:

The key semantic distinction: result roots lexically entail change, while PC roots do not. This refutes the Bifurcation Thesis: contra bifurcation, some roots introduce templatic meaning (change = BECOME).

The deepest theorem #

A root's entailment of change determines ALL of its morphosyntactic behavior in a single four-way biconditional (§§3–8):

entailsChange R ↔ ¬hasSimpleStative R ∧ ¬verbalFormIsMarked R ∧ ¬allowsRestitutiveAgain R

This holds crosslinguistically (88-language typological study), ruling out bifurcation as an explanation. The deeper explanation is the Markedness Generalization (eq. 44): morphological markedness reflects semantic mismatch between functional head and root.

Bridges #

Unified Root (§§15–17) #

Extends the file with the RootClassification structure (§16) bundling [Coo19]'s arity dimension (does the root select an internal argument?) with Beavers et al.'s change-entailment dimension. The two axes cross-classify orthogonally (arity_changeType_orthogonal): knowing whether a root selects a theme tells you nothing about whether it entails change, and vice versa.

inductive RootType :

Two types of change-of-state verb roots ([BEJ+21] §3.1).

Property concept (PC) roots: underlie deadjectival CoS verbs. The root describes a gradable property (dimension, color, value, etc.). Examples: flat, red, long, warm.

Result roots: underlie non-deadjectival CoS verbs. The root describes a specific result state that arises from a particular kind of event (breaking, cooking, killing, etc.). Examples: crack, break, shatter.

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    instance instDecidableEqRootType :
    DecidableEq RootType
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    def instReprRootType.repr :
    RootTypeStd.Format
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      @[implicit_reducible]
      instance instReprRootType :
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      Whether a root lexically entails prior change ([BEJ+21] §3.6).

      PC roots denote simple states that can hold without any prior change event. Result roots denote states that entail a prior change event.

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        The semantic denotation domain of a root ([Coo19], (3); extended by [HKG25]).

        • indivStatePred ⟨e, ⟨v,t⟩⟩: individual/state relation (√TV, √ITV; also PC Class 1/3 roots per [HKG25]: λx_e λs_v[P(x)(s)])
        • statePred ⟨v,t⟩: predicate of states, no individual argument ([HKG25] Class 2 PC roots: λs_v[P(s)], e.g., √I:YEL 'big' in Wá·šiw)
        • measureFn ⟨e, ⟨s,d⟩⟩: entity → event → degree (√POS; [Hen19])
        • entityPred ⟨e,t⟩: entity → truth-value, no event (√NOM)
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            Whether a root denotation type includes an individual argument.

            Types with an individual argument (⟨e, ...⟩) can compose directly with v_become (which requires ⟨e, ⟨v,t⟩⟩). Types without one (⟨v,t⟩) cause a type mismatch and require type-shifting (e.g., ∇) or possessive semantics (v_have) to predicate of individuals. ([HKG25] §5.1)

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              Unified root characterization bundling all classification dimensions.

              A root is characterized along five independent axes:

              1. Arity: does it select an internal argument?
              2. Change entailment: does it lexically entail a prior change event?
              3. Denotation type ([Coo19], (3)): event predicate, measure function, or entity predicate.
              4. Quality dimensions ([SMcN26]): within-class root content
              5. Class membership: verb class taxonomy

              Axes 1, 2, and 3 cross-classify: Coon's four Chuj root classes are recovered as (arity × denotationType) pairs: √TV = selectsTheme + indivStatePred, √ITV = noTheme + indivStatePred, √POS = noTheme + measureFn, √NOM = noTheme + entityPred.

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                    Does this root lexically entail prior change?

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                      Root change type, and its blindness to the outcome axis #

                      RootType is a projection of a root's entailment signature, derived not stored — Root.changeType is the derived analog of the stored RootClassification.changeType. Crucially it is blind to the [Bha24] outcome axis (Root.outcomes, the orthogonal dimension Root now carries): two roots with the same entailments share a changeType whatever their outcomes — which is precisely why outcome cardinality is a genuinely independent dimension of root content, the one that drives reversative un- where the manner/result typology cannot.

                      The change-entailment type of a root, derived from its kind signature: a root entails change iff its signature carries result ([BEJ+21]). The derived analog of RootClassification.changeType.

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                        changeType is blind to outcomes: same entailments ⇒ same changeType, whatever the outcomes. The formal statement of why [Bha24]'s outcome cardinality is an independent axis the manner/result signature cannot see.

                        inductive PCClass :

                        Property concept root subclasses ([Dix82]; [BEJ+21] ex. 5).

                        [Dix82] identifies seven semantic categories. [BEJ+21] omits HUMAN PROPENSITY from their Table 2 sample but the category is attested crosslinguistically ([HKG25] Table A1: hungry, afraid, sick, brave, generous, etc. in Wá·šiw).

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                          instance instDecidableEqPCClass :
                          DecidableEq PCClass
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                          instance instReprPCClass :
                          Repr PCClass
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                          def instReprPCClass.repr :
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                            inductive ResultClass :

                            Result root subclasses ([Lev93]; [BEJ+21] ex. 6).

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                              def instReprResultClass.repr :
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                                How a result root's change entailment is restricted (B&[BKG20] §2.4).

                                Break-type result roots (√CRACK, √SHATTER) entail change of ANY kind — spatial or temporal. A crack can "run from the tree to the house" without a temporal becoming event; the state itself extends spatially.

                                Cook/kill-type result roots (√COOK, √KILL) entail only TEMPORAL change. Cooking, killing, and melting are necessarily temporal processes. "✱The meat cooked from the oven to the table" is ruled out.

                                This three-way refinement (PC / break-type / cook-type) is invisible to the binary entailsChange flag but has consequences for spatial predication and the interpretation of directional PPs (B&[BKG20] §2.4).

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                                    Breaking roots allow spatial change: "The road cracked from the tree to the house."

                                    Cooking roots restrict to temporal change: "✱The meat cooked from A to B."

                                    PC roots have simple (unmarked) stative forms; result roots lack them.

                                    Crosslinguistic evidence (§6, Fig. 1): PC median = 95.67% of languages have simple statives; result median = 1.59% (Mann-Whitney U = 1266.5, p < 0.001, n₁ = n₂ = 36).

                                    English: "bright" (PC, simple adj) vs *"shattered" requires prior change.

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                                      PC root verbs TEND to be morphologically marked (deadjectival: wid-en, flat-ten); result root verbs tend to be unmarked (break, crack, shatter).

                                      This captures the cross-linguistic DEFAULT pattern, not a universal. [HKG25] §4: Wá·šiw Class 1 PC roots predicate as bare verbs without verbal morphology (zero categorization), deviating from the tendency captured here.

                                      Crosslinguistic evidence (§7, Fig. 5): PC median = 56.01% marked; result median = 15.20% (U = 1291, p < 0.001).

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                                        PC roots allow restitutive 'again' (scope over root only); result roots allow only repetitive 'again' (scope over BECOME).

                                        §3.4: "John sharpened the knife again" allows restitutive reading (could be just one sharpening), but "#Chris thawed the meat again" in a restitutive context is unacceptable (necessarily two defrostings).

                                        Under the analysis in §3.6: 'again' can target √ROOT. For PC roots, this yields a restitutive reading (return to prior state without prior change). For result roots, since the root itself entails change, 'again' over the root still entails a prior change event.

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                                          theorem semantic_determines_morphosyntax (rt : RootType) :
                                          rt.entailsChange = true rt.hasSimpleStative = false rt.verbalFormIsMarked = false rt.allowsRestitutiveAgain = false

                                          The main theorem of [BEJ+21].

                                          A root's entailment of change determines ALL of its morphosyntactic behavior in a single four-way biconditional. This is the paper's deepest result: four independently testable properties form a perfect correlation package.

                                          For result roots (entailsChange = true):

                                          • No simple stative forms (§6)
                                          • Unmarked verbal forms (§7)
                                          • No restitutive 'again' — only repetitive (§3.4)

                                          For PC roots (entailsChange = false):

                                          • Simple stative forms exist (§6)
                                          • Marked verbal forms (§7)
                                          • Restitutive 'again' available (§3.4)

                                          This correlation holds crosslinguistically (88 languages, §§4–7) and refutes the Bifurcation Thesis: if roots couldn't introduce templatic meaning (change), there would be NO semantic basis for the morphological and syntactic correlations.

                                          theorem pc_determines_morphosyntax (rt : RootType) :
                                          rt.entailsChange = false rt.hasSimpleStative = true rt.verbalFormIsMarked = true rt.allowsRestitutiveAgain = true

                                          The converse: NOT entailing change determines the opposite package.

                                          def bifurcationThesis (rootEntailsChange : RootTypeBool) :

                                          The Bifurcation Thesis for Roots ([Emb09]:1, [Ara05]:79; [BEJ+21] eq. 2):

                                          "If a component of meaning is introduced by a semantic rule that applies to elements in combination [i.e. by templatic operators], then that component of meaning cannot be part of the meaning of a [lexical semantic] root."

                                          Under bifurcation, change (= BECOME) is introduced only by templates, never by roots. Therefore NO root should entail change.

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                                            [BEJ+21] main result: bifurcation does not hold. Result roots entail change, violating the thesis (§§3.3, 3.6, 9).

                                            Corollary: result roots are a witness to bifurcation failure.

                                            PC roots are consistent with bifurcation (they don't entail change).

                                            B&[BKG20] strengthened bifurcation failure via Root.Kinds.

                                            [BEJ+21] show roots can entail CHANGE (one templatic notion). B&[BKG20] show roots can entail CHANGE, CAUSATION, and MANNER — ALL notions traditionally reserved for templates. This is a strictly stronger refutation: even if one accepted that change is "special", roots encoding manner+cause (√GUILLOTINE, √HAND) violate bifurcation on three separate dimensions simultaneously.

                                            Witness: Root.Kinds.fullSpec carries all four kinds.

                                            inductive Markedness :

                                            Whether a form is morphologically marked (=derived/complex) or unmarked (=basic/simple).

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                                              def instReprMarkedness.repr :
                                              MarkednessStd.Format
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                                                The Markedness Generalization ([BEJ+21] eq. 44).

                                                Morphological markedness reflects semantic mismatch between a functional head and its root complement. A form is unmarked when the head's semantic contribution is REDUNDANT with the root's meaning:

                                                (a) Default realization of v_become with complement √ROOT: - If √ROOT entails change → v_become is redundant → UNMARKED verb - If √ROOT does not entail change → v_become adds content → MARKED verb

                                                (b) Default realization of Asp_{S/R} with complement X: - If X does not entail change → already stative → UNMARKED stative - If X entails change → change must be stripped → MARKED stative

                                                This explains three attested language types:

                                                1. English-type: markedness asymmetry realized overtly (-en, -ed)
                                                2. Equipollent: both marked (high-marking languages like Hebrew)
                                                3. Labile: neither marked (low-marking languages like Kinyarwanda)

                                                And rules out the unattested fourth type (where the markedness pattern is the inverse of what the generalization predicts).

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                                                  Stative markedness is the mirror image of verbal markedness.

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                                                    Verbal and stative markedness are always complementary.

                                                    The markedness generalization is equivalent to the semantic distinction.

                                                    What a ditransitive root entails about possession (B&[BKG20] §3.3). Templates always introduce PROSPECTIVE possession (via ◇ modality). Whether the ROOT adds actual or prospective possession on top determines cancellability: "gave X the ball, #but X never had it" vs. "sent X the ball, but it never arrived" (OK).

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                                                        Six classes of ditransitive verb roots (B&[BKG20] §3.6). The ditransitive parallel to the PC/result distinction for CoS roots: templates contribute only PROSPECTIVE states; roots can contribute ACTUAL states.

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                                                            What a ditransitive root entails about the transfer event. Each field is a distinct semantic entailment from the ROOT, independent of what the template provides.

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                                                              def instDecidableEqDitransitiveEntailments.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : DitransitiveEntailments) :
                                                              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                                  Entailment profile for each ditransitive root class (B&[BKG20] §3.6).

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                                                                    √GIVE entails actual possession — "Kim gave Sandy the ball, #but Sandy never had it" is contradictory (§3.3, ex. 17).

                                                                    √SEND does NOT entail possession — "Kim sent Sandy the ball, but it never arrived" is felicitous (§3.3, ex. 18).

                                                                    √THROW entails manner + caused motion but not possession.

                                                                    √BRING entails accompaniment — agent travels with theme.

                                                                    √CARRY entails manner + accompaniment but not possession.

                                                                    inductive MRCDiagnostic :

                                                                    The six MRC diagnostics developed in B&KG (2020 §§4.2–4.3). Three test for result entailment in the root; three test for manner. An MRC violation is a verb that passes diagnostics from BOTH sets.

                                                                    Result diagnostics (§4.2):

                                                                    Manner diagnostics (§4.3):

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                                                                      def instReprMRCDiagnostic.repr :
                                                                      MRCDiagnosticStd.Format
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                                                                        Each diagnostic tests for exactly one of manner or result.

                                                                        A verb's diagnostic profile: which of the six diagnostics it passes. B&KG (2020 §§4.2–4.3) survey these for each verb class.

                                                                        • denialOfResult : Bool
                                                                        • objectDeletion : Bool
                                                                        • restrictedResultatives : Bool
                                                                        • selectionalRestriction : Bool
                                                                        • denialOfAction : Bool
                                                                        • actorParaphrase : Bool
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                                                                          def instDecidableEqMRCDiagnosticProfile.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : MRCDiagnosticProfile) :
                                                                          Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                                              Whether the profile shows result entailment (passes ≥1 result diagnostic).

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                                                                                Whether the profile shows manner entailment (passes ≥1 manner diagnostic).

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                                                                                  An MRC violation is a verb whose diagnostics show BOTH manner and result.

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                                                                                    Cut passes all 6 diagnostics (B&KG §4.4): manner of cutting + separation. "Kim cut the bread, #but the bread wasn't separated" (result) "Kim cut the bread, #but Kim didn't do anything" (manner)

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                                                                                    • cutDiagnostics = { denialOfResult := true, objectDeletion := true, restrictedResultatives := true, selectionalRestriction := true, denialOfAction := true, actorParaphrase := true }
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                                                                                      Break passes result diagnostics only: pure result (√CRACK), no manner.

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                                                                                      • breakDiagnostics = { denialOfResult := true, objectDeletion := true, restrictedResultatives := true, selectionalRestriction := false, denialOfAction := false, actorParaphrase := false }
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                                                                                        Hit passes manner diagnostics only: pure manner (impact), no result.

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                                                                                        • hitDiagnostics = { denialOfResult := false, objectDeletion := false, restrictedResultatives := false, selectionalRestriction := true, denialOfAction := true, actorParaphrase := true }
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                                                                                          Drown passes all 6 (B&KG §4.5): manner of drowning + death result.

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                                                                                          • drownDiagnostics = { denialOfResult := true, objectDeletion := true, restrictedResultatives := true, selectionalRestriction := true, denialOfAction := true, actorParaphrase := true }
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                                                                                            Dowty's P-Patient entailment (a) "undergoes change of state" is precisely the result root entailment. An object bearing a result root's state predicate has changeOfState = true.

                                                                                            This bridges the root typology to the entailment profile via the shared property.

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                                                                                              A result verb's object (accomplishment template) has changeOfState = true, so it patterns with result roots. Contact-verb objects (kick: CA+St, no entailed change per [Bea11] eq. (60c)) fall on the other side of the bridge.

                                                                                              Result roots MUST combine with a template containing BECOME (achievement or accomplishment), because the root's change entailment is semantically redundant with BECOME.

                                                                                              PC roots CAN combine with any template — with BECOME (achievement/ accomplishment) they get change compositionally; without it (state) they denote simple states.

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                                                                                                Result roots always get templates with BECOME.

                                                                                                State template lacks BECOME — only available to PC roots.

                                                                                                Bridge: templates with BECOME map to achievement/accomplishment Vendler classes, both of which are telic (bounded by the result state). This connects the template operator to the existing aspectual profile.

                                                                                                Result root verbs are typically achievements or accomplishments (they have BECOME in their template). PC root verbs in their inchoative (change-of-state) use are also achievements/accomplishments, but their stative use is a state (derived from profile).

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                                                                                                  PC roots in stative use are states; result roots pattern as achievements even in adjectival use (the state entails prior change).

                                                                                                  [Emb04] posits two adjectival structures:

                                                                                                  (8a) BASIC STATIVES: [AspP AspS √ROOT] Simple adjective directly combining with stativizer. Only available to PC roots.

                                                                                                  (8b) RESULT STATIVES: [AspP AspR [vP DP v_become √ROOT]] Deverbal adjective containing v_become. Available to result roots; superficially also to PC roots.

                                                                                                  Under the non-bifurcated analysis, result root adjectives are ALWAYS (8b) because the root requires v_become. PC root adjectives are (8a) by default but can also be (8b).

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                                                                                                      PC roots admit both structures; result roots only admit resultStative.

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                                                                                                        This is equivalent to NOT entailing change.

                                                                                                        inductive AgainReading :

                                                                                                        Reading-count tabulation of sublexical again by root type ([BKG20] §1.3.2 (25), §2.4 (46)–(47)). again attaches either low (to the root, restitutive) or high (over vbecome, repetitive):

                                                                                                        • RESTITUTIVE: presupposes only a prior state — available iff the root is change-free (PC roots, BKG (46));
                                                                                                        • REPETITIVE: presupposes a prior change — always available.

                                                                                                        A result root's state itself entails change, so its low/restitutive attachment still presupposes change and collapses into the repetitive reading (BKG (47), "result roots never admit truly restitutive readings"). The mechanism — the presuppositional operator and the reading hierarchy — is the canonical Verb.CosModel.again (see result_restitution_entails_change); this enum just records how many distinct readings each RootType admits.

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                                                                                                          def instReprAgainReading.repr :
                                                                                                          AgainReadingStd.Format
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                                                                                                            PC roots have strictly more 'again' readings than result roots.

                                                                                                            Result roots lack the restitutive reading.

                                                                                                            Whether a ditransitive verb is obligatorily telic in the IO frame (B&[BKG20] §3.7).

                                                                                                            Telicity correlates with whether the root spells out a state in the template. If the root entails actual possession, the template's prospective possession is discharged → definite endpoint → telic.

                                                                                                            "Kim gave Sandy balls for an hour" — # (bounded by possession transfer) "Kim sent Sandy balls for an hour" — OK (endpoint only prospective)

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                                                                                                              Telicity aligns exactly with actual possession entailment.

                                                                                                              Give has one reading (collapse); send has two (distinct).

                                                                                                              Beavers et al.'s conclusion (§9): accepting that result roots entail change does NOT blunt the predictive power of event structures. It simply means the theory of possible root meanings is richer than bifurcation allows. A verb that entails change should have v_become-type grammatical behavior (argument structure, morphology) even if the change comes from the ROOT rather than the template.

                                                                                                              Formally: if a root entails change, then the verb should be associated with a template containing BECOME.

                                                                                                              theorem no_become_implies_no_change (rt : RootType) (h : rt.requiresBECOME = false) :
                                                                                                              rt.entailsChange = false

                                                                                                              And conversely: if a root does NOT require BECOME, it doesn't entail change (it can stand alone as a simple stative).

                                                                                                              theorem grand_unification (rt : RootType) :
                                                                                                              (rt.entailsChange = truert.hasSimpleStative = false rt.verbalFormIsMarked = false rt.allowsRestitutiveAgain = false rt.requiresBECOME = true rt.admitsBasicStative = false verbalMarkedness rt = Markedness.unmarked stativeMarkedness rt = Markedness.marked) (rt.entailsChange = falsert.hasSimpleStative = true rt.verbalFormIsMarked = true rt.allowsRestitutiveAgain = true rt.requiresBECOME = false rt.admitsBasicStative = true verbalMarkedness rt = Markedness.marked stativeMarkedness rt = Markedness.unmarked)

                                                                                                              The full correlation package.

                                                                                                              Starting from the single Boolean entailsChange, we can derive ALL of the paper's morphosyntactic predictions. This is the formal content of the paper's main contribution: one semantic property (whether the root lexically entails change) is the sole determinant of six independently observable properties.

                                                                                                              Predicted verbal markedness from change entailment.

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                                                                                                                Predicted stative markedness from change entailment.

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                                                                                                                  √BREAK: selects theme + entails change (result root, Levin 45.1). "Break X" — the root obligatorily takes a patient that undergoes breaking, and the root lexically entails a prior change event.

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                                                                                                                    √HIT: selects theme + does not entail change (Levin 18.1). "Hit X" — the root takes a contactee, but hitting does not entail that the patient undergoes a change of state ([Lev93] pp. 5–8). .propertyConcept is used broadly here: the formal content (entailsChange = false) is what matters, not the label.

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                                                                                                                      √DIE: no theme + entails change. "Die" — intransitive; the dying entity is introduced by functional structure (unaccusative vGO/vBE), not selected by the root. Dying lexically entails a prior change event (becoming dead).

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                                                                                                                        √SIT: no theme + does not entail change (positional root). "Sit" — Coon's √POS class: denotes a spatial configuration state. No internal argument, no entailed change.

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                                                                                                                          Orthogonality of arity and change entailment.

                                                                                                                          All four cells of the 2×2 cross-classification are inhabited. This proves the two dimensions are genuinely independent: knowing that a root selects a theme tells you nothing about whether it entails change, and vice versa.

                                                                                                                          Change entailment does not determine arity (and vice versa).

                                                                                                                          Beavers et al.'s grand unification (§14) shows that entailsChange determines ALL morphosyntactic correlates (markedness, simple stative, again readings, template requirements). But it determines NOTHING about internal argument selection. Coon's arity adds an independent dimension of prediction: whether the root will surface with an internal argument across voice alternations.

                                                                                                                          Theme persistence ([Coo19] main empirical claim).

                                                                                                                          If a root selects a theme, the internal argument persists regardless of what v/Voice⁰ head combines with it. In Chuj, √TV roots surface with an internal argument in transitive (Ø), passive (-ch, -j), and antipassive (-w) constructions alike.

                                                                                                                          This is expressed by design: arity is a field of RootClassification, not of the derived verb. No functional head modifies it.

                                                                                                                          Change entailment determines markedness in the unified Root.

                                                                                                                          Roots with the same change type have identical morphosyntactic behavior regardless of arity — markedness, stative forms, and again readings are orthogonal to internal argument selection.

                                                                                                                          structure FullRootSpec :

                                                                                                                          Full root specification: entailment features + structural position. This is [BKG20]'s ch. 5 root typology (display (12)) in full — the 4 binary entailment features × 2 positions give 32 theoretical cells, of which 7 are attested and the rest are principled gaps.

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                                                                                                                            def instDecidableEqFullRootSpec.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : FullRootSpec) :
                                                                                                                            Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                                                                                              Adjoined position requires +manner: a root in adjunct position must specify a manner of action. Without manner, there is nothing to adjoin — the adjunct slot expects an action modifier.

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                                                                                                                                +manner +state −result −cause is semantically incoherent (B&KG §5.4.1): the root would specify both a manner of action and a state, but with no result or cause linking them. What would such a verb mean? "Perform manner M while in state S" — with no causal connection.

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                                                                                                                                  Full well-formedness: entailment constraints + position licensing + semantic coherence.

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                                                                                                                                    Attested cells of Table 12 #

                                                                                                                                    √FLAT: +S −M −R −C, complement. Property concept root.

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                                                                                                                                      √BLOSSOM: +S −M +R −C, complement. Pure result root.

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                                                                                                                                        √CRACK: +S −M +R +C, complement. Causative result root.

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                                                                                                                                          √JOG: −S +M −R −C, adjoined. Pure manner root.

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                                                                                                                                            √DROWN: +S +M +R +C, complement. Manner+result in complement position — the manner restricts HOW the state is caused.

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                                                                                                                                              √TOSS: +S +M +R +C, adjoined. Manner+result in adjunct position — the manner is the primary event that happens to cause a state change.

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                                                                                                                                                @[reducible, inline]

                                                                                                                                                √HAND: same entailments + position as √TOSS. The difference is in the ditransitive layer (DitransitiveRootClass.causedPossession vs .ballisticMotion), not in FullRootSpec's 4+1 features.

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                                                                                                                                                  √EXIST: −S −M −R −C, complement. Minimal stative root.

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                                                                                                                                                    √DROWN and √TOSS have identical entailments but different positions.

                                                                                                                                                    inductive TemplateHead :

                                                                                                                                                    Templatic functional heads in event structure (B&[BKG20] Table 13).

                                                                                                                                                    Each root type PREDICTS which templatic heads its verb will entail. If the root's own meaning already includes what a template head provides, that head is "entailed by the root" — its semantic contribution is redundant (though structurally still present).

                                                                                                                                                    v_act, v_cause, v_become are verbal heads. P_loc and P_have are prepositional heads specific to ditransitive structures.

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                                                                                                                                                      def instReprTemplateHead.repr :
                                                                                                                                                      TemplateHeadStd.Format
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                                                                                                                                                        Which template heads a root's entailments make redundant (Table 13).

                                                                                                                                                        The mapping is monotone: more root entailments → more heads entailed.

                                                                                                                                                        • +result → v_become (root entails the change v_become would provide)
                                                                                                                                                        • +cause → v_cause (root entails the causation v_cause would provide)
                                                                                                                                                        • +manner ∧ +cause → v_act (manner that causes = activity)
                                                                                                                                                        • +manner alone → no v_act (manner without causation doesn't entail activity — √JOG specifies jogging manner but v_act still provides the activity frame)
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                                                                                                                                                          Table 13 verification #

                                                                                                                                                          √JOG (pureManner): no template heads entailed. The root specifies jogging manner, but v_act still provides the activity frame — the root doesn't make it redundant.

                                                                                                                                                          √FLAT (propertyConcept): no template heads entailed. The root names a state, but doesn't entail change or cause.

                                                                                                                                                          √BLOSSOM (pureResult): v_become entailed. The root entails change — v_become's contribution is redundant.

                                                                                                                                                          √CRACK (causativeResult): v_become + v_cause entailed. The root entails change AND causation.

                                                                                                                                                          √DROWN (fullSpec): v_become + v_cause + v_act entailed. The root entails change, causation, AND activity (manner that causes).

                                                                                                                                                          √TOSS (fullSpec + ballistic): v_become + v_cause + v_act + P_loc. Verbal heads from entailments + P_loc from ditransitive class.

                                                                                                                                                          √HAND (fullSpec + causedPossession): all 5 heads. Verbal heads from entailments + P_loc + P_have from ditransitive class.

                                                                                                                                                          Monotonicity: more root entailments → weakly more heads entailed. Pure result ⊂ causative result ⊂ full spec (by inclusion).

                                                                                                                                                          The attested cells of B&KG's Table 12: five complement types (√FLAT, √BLOSSOM, √CRACK, √DROWN, √EXIST) and two adjoined types (√JOG, √TOSS/√HAND).

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                                                                                                                                                            Whether a FullRootSpec cell is attested in B&KG's Table 12.

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                                                                                                                                                              Gap explanations #

                                                                                                                                                              B&KG (§5.4.1) identify three principled gap types:

                                                                                                                                                              1. Adjoined without manner: the adjunct position in event structure hosts manner modifiers. Without +manner, there's nothing to adjoin. This rules out all −manner roots in adjoined position.

                                                                                                                                                              2. +manner +state −result −cause: the root would need to encode both a manner of action and a state, with no causal/change connection between them. No known verb has this pattern.

                                                                                                                                                              3. Well-formedness violations: +result −state and +cause −result are ruled out by the entailment constraints (result→state, cause→result).

                                                                                                                                                              Gap type 1: adjoined position requires manner.

                                                                                                                                                              Gap type 2: +manner +state −result −cause is incoherent.

                                                                                                                                                              Gap type 3: well-formedness violations.

                                                                                                                                                              Attested cells are well-formed and recognized #

                                                                                                                                                              The open question: +S +M +R −C (mannerResult without cause) in complement position. B&KG note this cell may be inhabited by verbs like slide — manner of motion + change of location, without external causation. Left as NOT attested per Table 12, pending further research.

                                                                                                                                                              The complement/adjoined split for fullSpec roots is the only case where position differentiates otherwise identical entailments.