Keenan and Comrie (1977): Noun Phrase Accessibility and Universal Grammar #
This file formalizes the Hierarchy Constraints of [KC77] on the Accessibility
Hierarchy of grammatical positions, subject > direct object > indirect object > oblique >
genitive > object of comparison: a language must relativize subjects, every relative-clause
strategy applies to a continuous segment of the hierarchy, and a strategy may cease at any
lower point (Section 1.2). A strategy is primary when it relativizes subjects, and the paper's
Primary Relativization Constraint, that a primary strategy reaching a low position reaches
every higher one, follows from continuity: the positions a continuous primary strategy covers
form an upper set of the hierarchy order (prc_of_hc2).
The paper's strategies are derived, not recorded. Two relative clauses are formed by different
strategies when their heads are placed differently or when one is case-coding, presenting an
element that expresses which position is relativized, and the other not (p. 65); a retained
personal pronoun codes case as a relative pronoun does (p. 66). So a strategy is a placement and
a case-coding value (Strategy), and the positions it covers in a language are those some
relativizer of the language realizes with an element of that value (Strategy.positions).
Table 1's rows follow from the fragments' relativizers: Hebrew's direct object is covered by
both of its strategies (hebrew_table1), and Arabic's row is the gap at the subject and
pronoun retention below it (arabic_table1).
The constraints are then checked on the seventeen languages of Table 1 whose relativizers the
fragments record (hc1_verified, hc2_verified), so every primary strategy of the sample covers
the interval from its cut-off up to the subject (primary_positions_eq_Icc_top); each position
from subject to genitive is attested as the cut-off of a primary strategy, the paper's Section
1.3 argument for the third constraint (each_upper_cutoff_attested); and Toba Batak's gap at
direct object between two continuous strategies shows why the constraints are stated per
strategy rather than per language (toba_batak_do_gap). The pattern of pronoun retention
(Section 2.2.2, Table 2) is derived the same way: once a language retains a pronoun at a
position it retains one at every lower position it relativizes (retention_verified).
Implementation notes #
The hierarchy order is the substrate's Position bounded linear order, the subject its top, and
a strategy's continuity is order-connectedness of the positions it covers. A relative pronoun
agreeing with the head, such as English who (p. 65), leaves the relativized position a gap
(Relativization.NPRel), so case coding is a property of what occupies that position
(IsCaseCoding). Table 1 records Classical Arabic and the fragment Modern Standard Arabic, whose
relativizer covers the row's positions; since the paper considers only definite relative
clauses (p. 64), the sample takes the relativizer of a definite antecedent. The languages the
fragments add after 1977 are not consulted.
References #
Strategies (Section 1.1) #
Case coding (p. 65): the element at the relativized position expresses which position it is, as a relative pronoun marked for it or a retained personal pronoun does (p. 66); a gap expresses none.
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- KeenanComrie1977.instDecidablePredNPRelIsCaseCoding x✝ = { decide := !decide (x✝ = Relativization.NPRel.gap), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
An RC-forming strategy (p. 65): relative clauses are formed by different strategies when their heads are placed differently or one is case-coding and the other not.
- placement : Relativization.Placement
The placement of the clause relative to its head.
- caseCoding : Bool
Whether the strategy is case-coding, the paper's ±case.
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- KeenanComrie1977.instFintypeStrategy = Fintype.ofEquiv ((_ : Relativization.Placement) × Bool) KeenanComrie1977.Strategy.proxyTypeEquiv
The positions a language relativizes by a strategy: those some relativizer with its placement realizes with an element of its case coding.
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- s.positions L = {p : Relativization.Position | ∃ r ∈ L, r.placement = s.placement ∧ ∃ x ∈ r.realize p, decide (KeenanComrie1977.IsCaseCoding x) = s.caseCoding}
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A strategy is primary when it relativizes subjects.
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The Hierarchy Constraints (Section 1.2) #
HC₁: some strategy relativizes subjects.
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- KeenanComrie1977.SatisfiesHC1 L = ∃ (s : KeenanComrie1977.Strategy), s.IsPrimary L
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- KeenanComrie1977.instDecidableSatisfiesHC1 L = { decide := decide (∃ a ∈ Finset.univ, (fun (x : KeenanComrie1977.Strategy) => x.IsPrimary L) a), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
HC₂: every strategy covers a continuous segment of the hierarchy.
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- KeenanComrie1977.SatisfiesHC2 L = ∀ (s : KeenanComrie1977.Strategy), (↑(s.positions L)).OrdConnected
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- KeenanComrie1977.instDecidableSatisfiesHC2 L = { decide := decide (∀ a ∈ Finset.univ, (fun (x : KeenanComrie1977.Strategy) => (↑(x.positions L)).OrdConnected) a), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
The Primary Relativization Constraint: a primary strategy covers an upper set of the hierarchy, every position above one it reaches.
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- KeenanComrie1977.SatisfiesPRC L = ∀ (s : KeenanComrie1977.Strategy), s.IsPrimary L → IsUpperSet ↑(s.positions L)
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The Primary Relativization Constraint follows from HC₂ and the definition of primary, as the paper derives it: a continuous strategy that relativizes subjects covers an upper set.
The sample (Table 1) #
The seventeen languages of Table 1 whose relativizers the fragments record.
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Table 1's Classical Arabic, by the Modern Standard Arabic relativizer of a definite antecedent, the paper considering only definite restrictive relative clauses (p. 64).
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Table 1's Chinese, spoken Pekingese.
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Table 1's Hindi.
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The sample.
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Table 1's Hebrew (p. 77): the −case strategy covers subjects and direct objects and the +case strategy everything from direct objects down, the direct object shared between them.
Table 1's Arabic (p. 76): the −case strategy covers the subject alone and the +case strategy every other position.
HC₁ holds of every language in the sample.
HC₂ holds of every strategy in the sample.
Hence so does the Primary Relativization Constraint.
In the sample every primary strategy covers exactly the closed interval from its cut-off up
to the subject, by HC₂ and Finset.eq_Icc_top_of_ordConnected_coe: what Table 1 records as a
run of + entries ending at the subject.
Every position from subject to genitive is the cut-off of some primary strategy in the sample, which covers exactly the interval from there up to the subject: the Section 1.3 argument that each point of the hierarchy is a possible cut-off. The paper's witnesses for the object of comparison are not among the fragments.
Toba Batak (Section 1.2.2) #
Toba Batak relativizes subjects by one strategy and indirect objects through genitives by another, but direct objects by neither: the gap lies between two continuous strategies, which is why the constraints govern strategies rather than languages.
Strategies by their relativized position (Section 1.3) #
Korean (Section 1.3.4, Table 1 p. 78): the −case strategy stops at obliques and a genitive requires a retained pronoun.
Finnish (Section 1.3.2): the case-coding strategy of joka is the broader one, the participle covering subject and direct object only, both primary.
Pronoun retention (Section 2.2.2) #
A personal pronoun at the relativized position; pronouns of verb agreement are excluded (p. 92).
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The positions a language relativizes.
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- KeenanComrie1977.relativizable L = {p : Relativization.Position | ∃ r ∈ L, (r.realize p).Nonempty}
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The positions at which a language retains a pronoun, its row of Table 2 (p. 93).
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- KeenanComrie1977.retention L = {p : Relativization.Position | ∃ r ∈ L, ∃ x ∈ r.realize p, KeenanComrie1977.IsPronoun x}
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"Once a language begins to retain pronouns it must do so for as long as relativization is possible at all" (p. 92).
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- KeenanComrie1977.RetainsDownward L = ∀ p ∈ KeenanComrie1977.retention L, ∀ q ∈ KeenanComrie1977.relativizable L, q ≤ p → q ∈ KeenanComrie1977.retention L
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Table 2's Arabic (p. 93): pronouns are retained everywhere but the subject.
Every language of the sample retains pronouns downward.