Documentation

Studies.FutrellEtAl2020

Futrell, Levy and Gibson (2020): Dependency Locality as an Explanatory Principle for Word Order #

This file formalizes the worked examples of [FLG20]'s case for dependency length minimization as a source of word-order universals: the dependency trees of its sections 2.3 and 2.4, with every total dependency length checked against the printed figure. Displacement makes trees nonprojective, but only mildly, at gap degree one, in extraposition and wh-movement ((3) and (4)). Short-before-long order minimizes dependency length after a head-initial head, and its mirror image, long-before-short, before a head-final one ((7) and (8)); a chain of single dependents is shortest with consistent head direction (9), while a head with several short dependents does better splitting them across itself (10), the exceptions to harmony that [GT10] derived. Heavy NP shift is the flagship case (11): keeping the object before the particle costs one unit for a light object and five for a heavy one. The random-order baseline of the corpus studies is illustrated by (13), the attested order against a reordering of the same tree. The corpus results of sections 4 and 5, the Monte Carlo comparisons with random baselines, are not formalized; the per-language head-final proportions and mean dependency lengths of Table 2 are the rows of Data.UD.DependencyLength.FutrellEtAl2020.

Implementation notes #

References #

@[reducible, inline]
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    Schematic token for the paper's abstract tree diagrams (A, B, C, …).

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      Examples (3)–(4): displacement and nonprojectivity #

      Displacement produces nonprojective trees: right extraposition in (3), where who you know modifies woman across the intervening verb, and wh-movement in (4), where what is the object of did. Both sit at gap degree 1 — the paper's point that natural languages deviate from context-freeness only mildly.

      Example (3): "I think a woman arrived who you know".

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        Example (4): "I know what he thinks you did yesterday".

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          Displacement stays mildly non-context-free: both trees have gap degree 1.

          Examples (7)–(8): short-before-long and its head-final mirror #

          A head with three dependent phrases of sizes 1, 2, 3. In head-initial contexts (7), placing them short-to-long after the head minimizes total dependency length; the head-final long-before-short preference (8) is its exact mirror — here literally Graph.mirror, so the equal-cost claim is Graph.totalLength_mirror, not an inspection of hand-typed twins.

          (7a) A [B] [C D] [E F G]: dependents short-to-long after the head.

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            (7b), the same head with its phrases reordered long to short: A [E F G] [C D] [B].

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              (7): short-before-long wins in head-initial contexts, by Behaghel's law at the head A: the phrases of one, two and three words grow outward in (7a) and not in (7b).

              (8): the head-final regime is the mirror image, so long-before-short wins there at exactly the head-initial costs — by the general mirror invariance, no separate fixtures needed.

              Examples (9)–(10): head-direction consistency and its exceptions #

              (9a) chain A → B → C → D linearized consistently: A B C D.

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                (9b) the same chain linearized with mixed head direction: A C D B.

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                  (9): consistent head direction minimizes chain dependency length — the DLM route to the Greenbergian harmonic correlations.

                  (10a) A B C D: both dependents (B and C–D) after the head A.

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                    (10b) B A C D: the one-word dependent moved before the head.

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                      (10): with several short dependents, splitting them across the head beats consistency ([GT10]), predicting the documented exceptions (e.g. prenominal determiners in head-initial Spanish).

                      Example (11): heavy NP shift #

                      The paper's flagship worked example: the cost of the verb–object–particle order is 1 for a light object (6 vs. 7) and 5 for a heavy one (11 vs. 16), deriving the weight-sensitivity of heavy NP shift (cf. example (6)).

                      (11a) "John threw out the trash", total dependency length 6.

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                        (11b) "John threw the trash out", total dependency length 7.

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                          (11c) "John threw out the trash sitting in the kitchen", total 11.

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                            (11d) "John threw the trash sitting in the kitchen out", total 16.

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                              The DLM penalty for late particle placement grows with object weight: 1 for the light object, 5 for the heavy one.

                              Example (13): the random-order baseline #

                              The attested sentence against reorderings of the same structure — stated through Graph.map, so "same structure" is by construction, which is what the paper's random-baseline methodology asserts.

                              (13a) "this story comes from the AP", the attested order, total 6.

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                                def FutrellEtAl2020.σB :
                                Equiv.Perm (Fin 6)

                                The position permutation taking the attested order to the paper's first reordering "from AP the this story comes".

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                                  (13b) the reordering, as a relabeling of the attested structure.

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                                    The attested order beats the reordering — and since reorderingB is a Graph.map of attestedOrder, that they share a structure is not an assertion but a definition.