English Determiners #
@cite{horn-1972} @cite{barwise-cooper-1981}
English-specific determiner lexicon. The shared QuantifierEntry
structure (and the QForce/Monotonicity/Strength enums) lives in
Theories/Semantics/Quantification/Lexicon.lean; this file is the
English instantiation and a small numerical-determiner sublexicon.
Scope #
This file carries only descriptive lexical data — facts a reference grammar of English would record. Per-paper model parameters (GQT thresholds, prototype-theory prototypes/spreads), compositional denotations, scalar-paradigm projections, and theory-bridge theorems all live elsewhere:
- Canonical 6-element ⟨none, few, some, half, most, all⟩ paradigm and
its B&C-style GQ denotation table:
Phenomena/Quantification/Inventory.lean. - Compositional GQ denotations (
every_sem,both_sem,neither_sem, …):Theories/Semantics/Quantification/Quantifier.lean. - GQT/PT meaning operators consuming numerical parameters:
Theories/Semantics/Quantification/Quantifier.lean(gqtMeaning),Theories/Semantics/Probabilistic/PrototypeTheory.lean(ptMeaning). - Per-paper parameter values:
Phenomena/ScalarImplicatures/Studies/VanTielEtAl2021.lean.
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.some_ = { form := "some", qforce := Theories.Semantics.Quantification.Lexicon.QForce.existential, allowsMass := true }
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"most" - more than half
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"all" - everything satisfies
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"every" - universal, singular
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"each" - universal, distributive
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"many" - a large number
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.many = { form := "many", qforce := Theories.Semantics.Quantification.Lexicon.QForce.proportional, numberRestriction := some Number.pl }
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Numerical Determiners #
@cite{barwise-cooper-1981} @cite{van-de-pol-etal-2023}
Parameterized by a numerical threshold n. These are the class of
determiners @cite{van-de-pol-etal-2023} show satisfy all three semantic
universals (and have low MDL).
Numerical determiner entry.
- form : String
- qforce : QForce
- monotonicity : Monotonicity
- threshold : ℕ
The numerical threshold
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.instBEqNumericalDetEntry.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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"at least n" — upward monotone in scope, conservative, quantity
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"at most n" — downward monotone in scope, conservative, quantity
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"exactly n" — non-monotone (neither UE nor DE), conservative, quantity
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"more than n" — upward monotone, conservative, quantity
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"fewer than n" — downward monotone, conservative, quantity
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Definite Determiners (less relevant for quantity scales) #
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.a = { form := "a", qforce := Theories.Semantics.Quantification.Lexicon.QForce.existential, numberRestriction := some Number.sg }
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.an = { form := "an", qforce := Theories.Semantics.Quantification.Lexicon.QForce.existential, numberRestriction := some Number.sg }
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"both" - universal dual, presupposes exactly 2.
K&S (83a): [_Det each of the two] ⇒ both.
Compositional denotation both_sem lives in
Theories.Semantics.Quantification.Quantifier.
numberRestriction := some .du carries the dual core concept
(@cite{harbour-2014} [−atomic, +minimal]); the cardinality clause
|R| ≥ 2 on the denotation side reflects the Harbour
dualPredOnLattice reading
(@cite{jeretic-bassi-gonzalez-yatsushiro-meyer-sauerland-2025}).
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"neither" - negative dual, presupposes exactly 2.
K&S (83b): [_Det (not one) of the two] ⇒ neither.
Compositional denotation neither_sem lives in
Theories.Semantics.Quantification.Quantifier.
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Lexicon Access #
All quantifier entries (excluding definites).
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All determiner entries (including definites).
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Lookup by form.
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- Fragments.English.Determiners.lookup form = List.find? (fun (d : Theories.Semantics.Quantification.Lexicon.QuantifierEntry) => d.form == form) Fragments.English.Determiners.allDeterminers