Documentation

Linglib.Studies.MunozPerez2026

Muñoz Pérez (2026) — Stylistic Applicatives in Chilean Spanish #

[MP26]

Grammaticality judgments from [MP26] "Stylistic applicatives: A lens into the nature of anticausative SE" (Glossa 11(1)).

Main declarations #

Implementation notes #

Acceptability follows the project-canonical Features.Acceptability six-level taxonomy. Paper-internal * maps to .unacceptable and the unmarked judgment maps to .ok.

Key data points #

  1. Three-way synonymy (exx. 7–12): For marked anticausatives with 1SG/2SG dative, three clitic patterns are interchangeable:

    • SE + CL_dat: se me rompió "it broke on me"
    • CL_dat + LE: me le rompió
    • SE + CL_dat + LE: se me le rompió
  2. Person restriction (exx. 15–19, cerrar la ventana): Stylistic LE is available only with 1SG (me) and 2SG (te), not 3SG (le), 1PL (nos), 2/3PL (les).

  3. Marking restriction (exx. 39–44): Stylistic LE requires SE-marked (or optionally SE-marked) anticausatives. Unmarked anticausatives (mejorar) block it.

  4. Negative controls (exx. 13b, 14b): quejarse and impersonal SE reject the me le pattern; the stylistic le is not a free dative.

Data types #

A clitic pattern in an anticausative construction.

  • se_cl : CliticPattern

    SE + dative clitic: se me rompió.

  • cl_le : CliticPattern

    Dative clitic + LE: me le rompió (stylistic applicative).

  • se_cl_le : CliticPattern

    SE + dative clitic + LE: se me le rompió.

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      Person of the dative clitic.

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          A single grammaticality judgment from the paper.

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                Three-way synonymy data (exx. 7–12) #

                romper "break" with 1SG dative: all three patterns OK.

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                      hundir "sink" with 1SG dative.

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                          caer "fall" with 1SG dative.

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                                morir "die" with 1SG dative.

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                                      Negative controls (exx. 13b, 14b) #

                                      Crucially, the me le pattern is NOT freely available — it is rejected with the inherently reflexive verb quejarse "complain" (ex. 13b) and with impersonal SE plus an argumental dative (ex. 14b). These witnesses keep the dataset honest: stylistic LE depends on the marked-anticausative structure, not on phonological adjacency.

                                      quejarse "complain" rejects the me le pattern (ex. 13b).

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                                        Impersonal SE + argumental dative rejects the me le pattern (ex. 14b).

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                                          Person restriction data (exx. 15–19, cerrar la ventana) #

                                          1SG: stylistic LE is OK (ex. 15b Me le cerró la ventana).

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                                            2SG: stylistic LE is OK (ex. 16b Te le cerró la ventana).

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                                              3SG: stylistic LE is BLOCKED (ex. 17b Le le cerró la ventana).

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                                                1PL: stylistic LE is BLOCKED (ex. 18b Nos le cerró la ventana).

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                                                  2/3PL: stylistic LE is BLOCKED (ex. 19b Les le cerró la ventana).

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                                                    Marking restriction data (exx. 39–44) #

                                                    quebrar (marked SE) licenses stylistic LE (ex. 39b Me le quebró el florero).

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                                                      mejorar (unmarked) does NOT license stylistic LE (ex. 40b *Me le mejoró el sueldo).

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                                                        hervir (optional SE) DOES license stylistic LE (ex. 44a Me le hirvió el agua).

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                                                          Data verification #

                                                          Person restriction: exactly 1SG and 2SG are grammatical.

                                                          Person restriction: exactly 3SG, 1PL, 3PL are ungrammatical.

                                                          theorem MunozPerez2026.cerrar_anchors_person_paradigm :
                                                          (personRestrictionData.all fun (x : Judgment) => x.verb == "cerrar") = true

                                                          The person paradigm uses cerrar (ex. 15), not caer (ex. 9).

                                                          Negative controls are present and uniformly unacceptable. Drift sentry: if the me le pattern were ever miscoded as .ok, this fails.

                                                          Spanish Fission instantiation #

                                                          The Spanish-specific realization output of Fission: two clitic positions. Cl₁ surfaces person features (me/te), Cl₂ is invariably le.

                                                          • cl1Form : String

                                                            Cl₁: bears person features.

                                                          • cl2Form : String

                                                            Cl₂: bears case features.

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                                                              def MunozPerez2026.instDecidableEqFissionOutput.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : FissionOutput) :
                                                              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                                The stylistic applicative Fission rule for Chilean Spanish ([MP26] rule 55).

                                                                Instantiates the generic Morphology.DM.FissionRule with Spanish-specific data:

                                                                • Context: inchoative verbal-head sequence (vGO ⌒ vBE)
                                                                • Bundle: [+PART, +SING] person (1SG or 2SG)
                                                                • Realization: Cl₁ = me/te (from [±AUTHOR]), Cl₂ = le (invariable)
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                                                                  [MP26]'s PF condition (rule 58): the non-thematic VoiceP projection must be overtly marked on the verb by a reflexive clitic. se is the directly-merged reflexive; me/te count because they are DAT-REFL syncretic (the paper's table 59) and syncretic elements are indistinguishable for PF purposes. (1PL nos is also syncretic but is filtered upstream: Fission requires [+SING], so nos le is never generated.)

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                                                                    Apply the Spanish stylistic applicative Fission rule.

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                                                                      Person restriction (paper §3.1) #

                                                                      Inchoative requirement (the context of rule 55) #

                                                                      Every Muñoz-Pérez verb that licenses stylistic LE has inchoative structure. DERIVED from the verb fragment.

                                                                      Marking restriction #

                                                                      Unmarked anticausatives block stylistic LE. DERIVED from the verb fragment: mejorar is unmarked and blocks LE.

                                                                      All Muñoz-Pérez verbs blocking stylistic LE are unmarked. DERIVED from the fragment data.

                                                                      SE-optionality (the PF condition, rule 58) #

                                                                      When Fission applies, the output clitic satisfies the PF marking condition (syncretic with reflexive), making SE optional.

                                                                      The DAT-REFL syncretism that enables SE-optionality is present for exactly the persons where Fission applies.

                                                                      Three-way synonymy #

                                                                      Re-export of Minimalist.nonThematic_no_semantics in the Muñoz-Pérez frame. SE is purely a PF marker — its presence or absence is phonological, not semantic.

                                                                      The empirical three-way synonymy is consistent with Voice vacuity: the three .ok judgments co-hold with the proof that Voice has no semantics (the judgments are data, not derived).

                                                                      Fission verification #

                                                                      Fission applies to 1SG in inchoative context.

                                                                      Fission applies to 2SG in inchoative context.

                                                                      Fission does NOT apply in non-inchoative context (activity).

                                                                      Refutation of [KG09] #

                                                                      K-G's reflexivization analysis predicts that every alternating verb has SE in its anticausative form (cumulation of A and P spelled out as SE). The verb-level predicate KoontzGarboden2009.kgPredictsSEMarked formalises this chain. mejorar "improve" alternates while remaining unmarked, falsifying the prediction. The paper's footnote 7 notes that [KG09]'s own implementation restricts reflexivization to SE-marked anticausatives, so the mejorar argument bites most directly against the null-reflexive extension ([Chi04]).

                                                                      Refutation of [KG09]: mejorar alternates but is unmarked (no SE), against K-G's prediction that reflexivization requires SE-spell-out. Closes the bridge from K-G's reflexivization.involvesCumulation = true to a falsifying Spanish verb.

                                                                      Cross-framework comparisons #

                                                                      The paper draws a second comparative argument — narrower than [MSK25]'s two-flavor Voice — that is not yet stated as a Lean theorem.

                                                                      Todo #