Spanish Verb Entries for the Causative Alternation #
@cite{cuervo-2003} @cite{munoz-perez-2026} @cite{koontz-garboden-2009}
Verbs from Muñoz @cite{munoz-perez-2026} classified by anticausative marking (SE) and event-structural decomposition, extended with causer specification from @cite{koontz-garboden-2009}.
Anticausative Marking Types #
- Marked: Anticausative requires SE (quebrar → quebrarse)
- Unmarked: No SE in anticausative (mejorar → mejorar)
- Optional: SE is marginal (hervir → ?hervirse)
Causer Specification (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009} §§3.1–3.2) #
The thematic specification of the causing participant determines whether a verb can anticausativize:
- EFFECTOR (underspecified): causative admits agents, instruments, natural forces, events → anticausative available (romper, abrir)
- AGENT (specified): causative requires agentive causer → no anticausative, only reflexive (asesinar, cortar)
How an anticausative verb is morphologically marked in Spanish.
- marked : AnticausativeMarking
- unmarked : AnticausativeMarking
- optional : AnticausativeMarking
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- Fragments.Spanish.Predicates.instDecidableEqAnticausativeMarking x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Thematic specification of the participant in the causing subevent (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009} §§2.1, 3.1–3.2).
The critical distinction: EFFECTOR (@cite{van-valin-wilkins-1996}) is thematically underspecified — the causer can be an agent, instrument, natural force, or event. AGENT is thematically specified — the causer must be agentive (volitional, sentient).
This determines anticausativizability: reflexivization of an EFFECTOR verb yields an anticausative reading; reflexivization of an AGENT verb yields only a reflexive reading.
- effector : CauserSpec
Underspecified causer: admits agents, instruments, natural forces, events. Spanish romper, abrir, hundir, ahogar.
- agent : CauserSpec
Agentive causer required. Spanish asesinar, cortar.
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- Fragments.Spanish.Predicates.instDecidableEqCauserSpec x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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A Spanish verb with its causative alternation properties.
Extends VerbCore with Spanish-specific fields for anticausative
marking and event-structural decomposition.
- form : String
- altComplementType : Option ComplementType
- unaccusative : Bool
- passivizable : Bool
- implicitObj : Option ImplicitInterp
- implicitGoal : Option ImplicitInterp
- speechActVerb : Bool
- vendlerClass : Option Features.VendlerClass
- presupType : Option PresupTriggerType
- postsupType : Option PostsupType
- projectionBehavior : Option ProjectionBehavior
- cosType : Option Features.ChangeOfState.CoSType
- implicative : Option Features.Implicative
- causative : Option Features.Causative
- causalSource : Option Causation.Psych.CausalSource
- opaqueContext : Bool
- attitude : Option Features.Attitude
- takesQuestionBase : Bool
- levinClass : Option LevinClass
- rootProfile : Option Roots.RootProfile
- anticausativeMarking : AnticausativeMarking
How the anticausative is marked
- causativeAlternation : Bool
Participates in causative/anticausative alternation
- verbHead : List Minimalist.VerbHead
Cuervo's decomposition of the inchoative form
- licensesStylLE : Bool
Empirical: does this verb license stylistic LE?
- causerSpec : Option CauserSpec
Thematic specification of the causing participant (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009}).
nonefor non-causative verbs.
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- Fragments.Spanish.Predicates.instBEqSpanishVerbEntry.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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abrir "open" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. EFFECTOR causer: admits agents, instruments, natural forces (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009} exx. 47–49).
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romper "break" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. EFFECTOR causer: agents, instruments, natural forces, events (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009} exx. 13–17).
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hundir "sink" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. EFFECTOR causer (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009} ex. 46).
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caer "fall" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. (exx. 11–12, unaccusative)
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morir "die" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. (exx. 13–14)
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quebrar "crack" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. (ex. 39a)
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hervir "boil" — optional SE marking, but still licenses stylistic LE. (ex. 40)
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olvidar "forget" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. (exx. 15–16, psych verb)
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ocurrir "occur" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. (exx. 17–18)
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mejorar "improve" — UNMARKED anticausative, does NOT license stylistic LE. (ex. 39b)
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rasgar "tear (gash-like)" — Levin 45.1 equivalent; marked anticausative. Unlike English tear, rasgar requires flimsy/insubstantial patients and implies unidirectional (linear, gash-like) separation. Incompatible with careful controlled action. @cite{spalek-mcnally-2026} (§3.2).
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asesinar "assassinate" — AGENT causer required. No anticausative. Reflexivization yields reflexive reading only (El senador se asesinó = 'The senator killed himself'). @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} exx. 24–29.
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cortar "cut" — AGENT causer required. No anticausative. @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} ex. 26.
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ahogar "drown" — EFFECTOR causer, but animate theme undergoers are typical. Alternates: ahogarse is a derived inchoative. @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} exx. 50–52.
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empeorar "worsen" — internally caused COS verb. No CAUSE in LSR. Rejects por sí solo. @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} ex. 65a.
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crecer "grow" — internally caused COS verb. No CAUSE in LSR. Rejects por sí solo. @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} ex. 65c.
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Verbs from @cite{munoz-perez-2026} — tested for stylistic LE.
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Verbs from @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} — causer specification data, not tested for stylistic LE.
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All verb entries in the fragment.
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EFFECTOR verbs anticausativize; AGENT verbs do not. @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} §§3.1–3.2.
All Muñoz-Pérez verbs that license stylistic LE are inchoative.
The only Muñoz-Pérez verb that blocks stylistic LE is unmarked.