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Linglib.Fragments.Spanish.Predicates

Spanish Verb Entries for the Causative Alternation #

@cite{cuervo-2003} @cite{munoz-perez-2026} @cite{koontz-garboden-2009}

Verbs from Muñoz @cite{munoz-perez-2026} classified by anticausative marking (SE) and event-structural decomposition, extended with causer specification from @cite{koontz-garboden-2009}.

Anticausative Marking Types #

Causer Specification (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009} §§3.1–3.2) #

The thematic specification of the causing participant determines whether a verb can anticausativize:

How an anticausative verb is morphologically marked in Spanish.

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      Thematic specification of the participant in the causing subevent (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009} §§2.1, 3.1–3.2).

      The critical distinction: EFFECTOR (@cite{van-valin-wilkins-1996}) is thematically underspecified — the causer can be an agent, instrument, natural force, or event. AGENT is thematically specified — the causer must be agentive (volitional, sentient).

      This determines anticausativizability: reflexivization of an EFFECTOR verb yields an anticausative reading; reflexivization of an AGENT verb yields only a reflexive reading.

      • effector : CauserSpec

        Underspecified causer: admits agents, instruments, natural forces, events. Spanish romper, abrir, hundir, ahogar.

      • agent : CauserSpec

        Agentive causer required. Spanish asesinar, cortar.

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          A Spanish verb with its causative alternation properties.

          Extends VerbCore with Spanish-specific fields for anticausative marking and event-structural decomposition.

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                abrir "open" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. EFFECTOR causer: admits agents, instruments, natural forces (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009} exx. 47–49).

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                  romper "break" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. EFFECTOR causer: agents, instruments, natural forces, events (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009} exx. 13–17).

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                    hundir "sink" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. EFFECTOR causer (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009} ex. 46).

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                      caer "fall" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. (exx. 11–12, unaccusative)

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                        morir "die" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. (exx. 13–14)

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                          quebrar "crack" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. (ex. 39a)

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                            hervir "boil" — optional SE marking, but still licenses stylistic LE. (ex. 40)

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                              olvidar "forget" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. (exx. 15–16, psych verb)

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                                ocurrir "occur" — marked anticausative, licenses stylistic LE. (exx. 17–18)

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                                  mejorar "improve" — UNMARKED anticausative, does NOT license stylistic LE. (ex. 39b)

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                                    rasgar "tear (gash-like)" — Levin 45.1 equivalent; marked anticausative. Unlike English tear, rasgar requires flimsy/insubstantial patients and implies unidirectional (linear, gash-like) separation. Incompatible with careful controlled action. @cite{spalek-mcnally-2026} (§3.2).

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                                      asesinar "assassinate" — AGENT causer required. No anticausative. Reflexivization yields reflexive reading only (El senador se asesinó = 'The senator killed himself'). @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} exx. 24–29.

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                                        cortar "cut" — AGENT causer required. No anticausative. @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} ex. 26.

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                                          ahogar "drown" — EFFECTOR causer, but animate theme undergoers are typical. Alternates: ahogarse is a derived inchoative. @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} exx. 50–52.

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                                            empeorar "worsen" — internally caused COS verb. No CAUSE in LSR. Rejects por sí solo. @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} ex. 65a.

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                                              crecer "grow" — internally caused COS verb. No CAUSE in LSR. Rejects por sí solo. @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} ex. 65c.

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                                                Verbs from @cite{munoz-perez-2026} — tested for stylistic LE.

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                                                  Verbs from @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} — causer specification data, not tested for stylistic LE.

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                                                    EFFECTOR verbs anticausativize; AGENT verbs do not. @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} §§3.1–3.2.

                                                    All Muñoz-Pérez verbs that license stylistic LE are inchoative.

                                                    The only Muñoz-Pérez verb that blocks stylistic LE is unmarked.