Allotey (2021): Overt Pronouns of Infinitival Predicates in Gã

[All21]

Western Papers in Linguistics / Cahiers linguistiques de Western 4.

Gã (Kwa, Niger-Congo; spoken in Greater Accra, Ghana) shows obligatory control over the embedded subject of irrealis ni-clauses, where the controlled subject is realized as an OVERT subject proclitic — null PRO is ungrammatical. This is the same pattern [Ost26] analyzes for SMPM and [Sul21] analyzes for Büli, and falls under the [Kra09b] / [Saf14] / [Lan15] minimal pronoun framework: Gã simply lacks a null vocabulary item for the controlled subject position.

[All21] herself adopts [Sza09]'s Long Distance Agree (LDA) Hypothesis (building on [Sat19]). The minimal pronoun framework and LDA are compatible — LDA is the syntactic mechanism that values the unvalued φ-features of the minimal pronoun in the embedded subject position. We wire both perspectives in below.

Core Contributions

1. Three-way clause typology distinguished by complementizer: akɛ-clauses (finite declarative), kɛji-clauses (finite conditional), ni-clauses (irrealis, OC).
2. OC over an overt subject: irrealis ni-clauses show the OC signature despite carrying an overt subject proclitic.
3. Subject and object control are both attested with ni-clause complements (subject-control: tao 'want', hiɛ-kpa-nɔ 'forget'; object-control: kenya 'urge', dai 'force').
4. Irrealis ≠ subjunctive: Allotey argues against [Dak04] and [Cam17], who classify the high-tone marker as subjunctive. The diagnostic she offers (controlled-clause obviation) is formalized below.
5. Long Distance Agree analysis: the embedded overt pronoun is a minimal pronoun whose φ-features are valued by LDA from the matrix controller ([Sza09], [Sat19]).
6. Cross-linguistic pattern: Gã joins SMPM and Büli as a third language with obligatory pronominal copy control under the [Ost26] typology.

Out of scope

The paper also discusses Gã verbal negation and an analogy to French V-movement past pas ([Pol89]). That analogy depends on treating Gã -ee and -ko as a free Neg head (Pollock's diagnostic crucially relies on negation occupying a fixed structural position rather than being a verbal suffix). The morphological argument that would license that step is outside Allotey's data, so we do not formalize the V-to-T claim here.

theorem Allotey2021.finiteAke_unrestricted_tam : (Ga.clauseProperties Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteAke).unrestrictedTAM = true

theorem Allotey2021.finiteKeji_unrestricted_tam : (Ga.clauseProperties Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteKeji).unrestrictedTAM = true

theorem Allotey2021.irrealisNi_restricted_tam : (Ga.clauseProperties Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi).unrestrictedTAM = false

theorem Allotey2021.finiteAke_allows_noncoreferential : (Ga.clauseProperties Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteAke).noncoreferentialSubject = true

theorem Allotey2021.finiteKeji_allows_noncoreferential : (Ga.clauseProperties Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteKeji).noncoreferentialSubject = true

theorem Allotey2021.irrealisNi_no_noncoreferential : (Ga.clauseProperties Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi).noncoreferentialSubject = false

def Allotey2021.gaOCSignature (c : Ga.EmbeddedClauseType) : Minimalist.MinimalPronoun.OCSignature

OC signature derived from clause properties.

A clause type that does not allow noncoreferential embedded subjects forces the full [Lan13] OC signature; one that does allow them shows none. Per [All21], only irrealisNi falls in the former group.

This is derived from clauseProperties.noncoreferentialSubject rather than stipulated per clause — changing the noncoreferential flag in Fragments/Ga/Basic.lean automatically propagates here.

Equations

• Allotey2021.gaOCSignature c = if (Ga.clauseProperties c).noncoreferentialSubject = true then Minimalist.MinimalPronoun.ocNone else Minimalist.MinimalPronoun.ocFull

theorem Allotey2021.irrealisNi_is_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi).isOC = true

theorem Allotey2021.finiteAke_not_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteAke).isOC = false

theorem Allotey2021.finiteKeji_not_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteKeji).isOC = false

theorem Allotey2021.oc_iff_no_noncoreferential (c : Ga.EmbeddedClauseType) : (gaOCSignature c).isOC = !(Ga.clauseProperties c).noncoreferentialSubject

The general derivation: lack of noncoreferential subjects iff OC.

def Allotey2021.isSubjunctiveLike (c : Ga.EmbeddedClauseType) : Bool

A clause type passes the subjunctive diagnostic iff it permits a noncoreferential embedded subject. Romance subjunctives display obviation effects (the embedded subject must NOT corefer with the matrix subject) — i.e., they license noncoreference. An irrealis OC clause license the opposite: obligatory coreference.

[All21] argues that the high-tone marker on Gã verbs is irrealis, not subjunctive (contra [Dak04], [Cam17]). The diagnostic below confirms her claim on the noncoreference test: irrealisNi fails the subjunctive diagnostic.

Equations

• Allotey2021.isSubjunctiveLike c = (Ga.clauseProperties c).noncoreferentialSubject

theorem Allotey2021.irrealisNi_not_subjunctive : isSubjunctiveLike Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi = false

theorem Allotey2021.finiteAke_subjunctive_test_passes : isSubjunctiveLike Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteAke = true

theorem Allotey2021.finiteKeji_subjunctive_test_passes : isSubjunctiveLike Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteKeji = true

def Allotey2021.gaToLandau : Ga.EmbeddedClauseType → Landau2015.LandauClauseClass

Map Gã clause types to [Lan04a]'s finiteness scale.

Landau class	Gã clause type	OC?
C-subjunctive	irrealisNi	Yes
finite	finiteAke	No
finite	finiteKeji	No

Gã has no F-subjunctive correspondent: there is no morphologically distinct tensed-but-controlled clause class — ni-clauses are all irrealis and OC; akɛ/kɛji-clauses are all finite and non-OC.

Equations

• Allotey2021.gaToLandau Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi = Landau2015.LandauClauseClass.cSubjunctive
• Allotey2021.gaToLandau Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteAke = Landau2015.LandauClauseClass.finite
• Allotey2021.gaToLandau Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteKeji = Landau2015.LandauClauseClass.finite

def Allotey2021.gaAgr (c : Ga.EmbeddedClauseType) : Bool

Gã Agr status, derived from clauseProperties.finiteComplementizer.

irrealisNi is [−Agr] in [Lan15]'s sense — though it carries an overt subject proclitic, the proclitic is the realization of a minimal pronoun rather than independent agreement. The finite clause types are [+Agr].

Equations

• Allotey2021.gaAgr c = (Ga.clauseProperties c).finiteComplementizer

theorem Allotey2021.gaAgr_eq_complementizer_isFinite (c : Ga.EmbeddedClauseType) : gaAgr c = (Ga.clauseComplementizer c).isFinite

Cross-check: gaAgr agrees with the complementizer's finiteness flag, via complementizer_isFinite_eq_finiteFlag.

theorem Allotey2021.landau_predicts_control (c : Ga.EmbeddedClauseType) : (gaOCSignature c).isOC = (gaToLandau c).hasOCWithAgr (gaAgr c)

The Landau classification predicts Gã control properties for all three clause types, taking Agr status into account.

theorem Allotey2021.tao_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.tao.selects).isOC = true

Each subject-control verb selects an irrealisNi clause whose OC signature is the full one.

theorem Allotey2021.hiekpano_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.hiekpano.selects).isOC = true

theorem Allotey2021.nye_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.nye.selects).isOC = true

theorem Allotey2021.kpleno_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.kpleno.selects).isOC = true

theorem Allotey2021.kpang_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.kpang.selects).isOC = true

theorem Allotey2021.kenya_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.kenya.selects).isOC = true

Each object-control verb selects an irrealisNi clause whose OC signature is the full one.

theorem Allotey2021.laka_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.laka.selects).isOC = true

theorem Allotey2021.dai_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.dai.selects).isOC = true

theorem Allotey2021.wa_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.wa.selects).isOC = true

theorem Allotey2021.kee_no_OC : (gaOCSignature Ga.kee.selects).isOC = false

The finite-complement verb does not show OC.

theorem Allotey2021.oc_determined_by_clause_type (c : Ga.CTP) : (gaOCSignature c.selects).isOC = !(Ga.clauseComplementizer c.selects).isFinite

Universal: every Gã CTP whose complement is irrealisNi shows OC, and every CTP whose complement is finite does not. The clause type determines OC, regardless of the verb's own control flavor.

structure Allotey2021.LDAConfig : Type

Long Distance Agree configuration ([Sza09]): a matrix probe values an embedded goal's unvalued φ across a non-defective C. Folded in from the former single-consumer Minimalist/LongDistanceAgree.lean. The contentful dimension is cIsDefectiveBlocker — the cross-clausal locality that the Probe/defective-intervention vocabulary (Studies/Halpert2019.lean) derives rather than stipulates.

• probeHasValuedPhi : Bool

  The probe (matrix v/T/Asp) carries valued φ-features.

• goalHasUnvaluedPhi : Bool

  The goal (embedded D head) carries unvalued φ-features.

• cIsDefectiveBlocker : Bool

  The intervening C head blocks LDA (is defective for it); false means transparent and LDA proceeds.

def Allotey2021.instDecidableEqLDAConfig.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : LDAConfig) : Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Allotey2021.instDecidableEqLDAConfig : DecidableEq LDAConfig

Equations

• Allotey2021.instDecidableEqLDAConfig = Allotey2021.instDecidableEqLDAConfig.decEq

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Allotey2021.instReprLDAConfig : Repr LDAConfig

Equations

• Allotey2021.instReprLDAConfig = { reprPrec := Allotey2021.instReprLDAConfig.repr }

def Allotey2021.instReprLDAConfig.repr : LDAConfig → ℕ → Std.Format

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

def Allotey2021.LDAConfig.licenses (cfg : LDAConfig) : Bool

LDA is licensed iff probe and goal have the right feature profile and the intervening C is non-blocking.

Equations

• cfg.licenses = (cfg.probeHasValuedPhi && cfg.goalHasUnvaluedPhi && !cfg.cIsDefectiveBlocker)

def Allotey2021.gaLDAConfig : LDAConfig

[All21]'s syntactic analysis: the embedded overt pronoun in a controlled ni-clause is a minimal pronoun whose unvalued φ-features are valued by Long Distance Agree from the matrix controller ([Sza09], [Sat19]).

The probe (matrix v/T) has valued φ; the goal (embedded D[uφ]) has unvalued φ; the intervening ni C head is non-defective for LDA, so the dependency crosses a clause boundary.

Equations

• Allotey2021.gaLDAConfig = { probeHasValuedPhi := true, goalHasUnvaluedPhi := true, cIsDefectiveBlocker := false }

theorem Allotey2021.ga_satisfies_LDA : gaLDAConfig.licenses = true

theorem Allotey2021.ga_LDA_implies_OC : gaLDAConfig.licenses = true → (gaOCSignature Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi).isOC = true

Bridge: the LDA configuration is exactly what's required to value the φ-features of a minimal pronoun in the embedded subject position. This is the syntactic mechanism that complements the morphological minimal-pronoun analysis (Section 7).

def Allotey2021.gaInventory : Minimalist.MinimalPronoun.MinPronInventory Minimalist.MinimalPronoun.PronForm

Gã vocabulary items.

Like SMPM and Büli: lacks a null allomorph for controlled subjects. The controlled subject of an irrealisNi clause surfaces as the elsewhere (pronoun) form — i.e., the same subject proclitic used for referential pronouns.

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

theorem Allotey2021.ga_overt_pro : gaInventory.controlForm = Minimalist.MinimalPronoun.PronForm.pronoun

Gã: controlled subjects are realized as overt subject proclitics (the elsewhere/pronoun form). The paper's central empirical observation.

theorem Allotey2021.ga_has_reflexive : gaInventory.realize Minimalist.MinimalPronoun.BVAContext.locallyBound = Minimalist.MinimalPronoun.PronForm.reflexive

Gã has reflexives distinct from referential pronouns.

def Allotey2021.gaProfile : NullSubject.ProDropProfile

Gã profile derived from fragment data and inventory.

Equations

• Allotey2021.gaProfile = { allowsProDrop := Ga.allowsProDrop, hasOvertPRO := decide Allotey2021.gaInventory.hasOvertPRO }

theorem Allotey2021.ga_satisfies_universal : gaProfile.Satisfies

Gã satisfies the implicational universal — overt PRO + non-pro-drop means the consequent is true.

theorem Allotey2021.ga_prodrop_would_exclude_overt_pro (h : gaProfile.allowsProDrop = true) : gaProfile.hasOvertPRO = false

Contrapositive concretization: were Gã pro-drop, it could not have overt PRO. The hypothesis is counterfactual (Gã is non-pro-drop), so this is a vacuous specialization of prodrop_excludes_overt_pro.

def Allotey2021.gaToNoonan : Ga.EmbeddedClauseType → NoonanCompType

Map Gã clause types to [Noo07]'s complement typology.

All three Gã clause types are "balanced" in Noonan's sense: they are inflected for TAM and carry overt subject morphology. There is no "deranked" (infinitival/nominalized/participial) complement type in Gã.

• finiteAke → indicative (full TAM, free reference)
• finiteKeji → indicative (full TAM, free reference; conditional flavor)
• irrealisNi → subjunctive (irrealis only, obligatory coreference)

Note: Noonan's subjunctive category is the typological-typology label for "finite irrealis-marked complement"; it is not the generative-grammar subjunctive Allotey is arguing against (cf. irrealisNi_not_subjunctive above). The Noonan label and the Dakubu/Campbell label happen to share a word but track different properties.

Equations

• Allotey2021.gaToNoonan Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteAke = NoonanCompType.indicative
• Allotey2021.gaToNoonan Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteKeji = NoonanCompType.indicative
• Allotey2021.gaToNoonan Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi = NoonanCompType.subjunctive