Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Allotey2021

Allotey (2021): Overt Pronouns of Infinitival Predicates of Gã #

Formalizes [All21]: obligatory control into Gã irrealis ni-clauses requires an overt subject proclitic — null PRO is ungrammatical. The controlled clause is non-finite irrealis, not subjunctive (against [KD04], [Cam17], [Kor17]); the pronoun is a Spec-TP subject valued by Long Distance Agree across the weak C head ni ([Sza09], [Riz97]) and pronounced to host the obligatory irrealis high tone. The Movement Theory of Control ([Hor99]) does not extend to Gã, and [Sat19]'s left-periphery-bound pronoun only partly does. The verb-movement/negation diagnostics (§§5.5.5, 6.2, after [Pol89]) need phrase-structure substrate and are not formalized.

References #

OC by clause type #

The control profile of a Gã clause type, from its noncoreference flag (the derivation Ostrove2026.smpmProfile also uses).

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    OC status is read off the complementizer's finiteness.

    A verb has a ni-frame exactly when it is a control verb (§§3.4–3.5, 5.5.1).

    Table 2: the overt pronoun has the OC signature #

    The eight rows of [All21]'s Table 2 ([Lan13]'s OC criteria, §§3.3–3.4).

    • cCommandedByAntecedent : Table2Row

      Must be c-commanded by its antecedent (exx 45–46)

    • longDistanceAntecedent : Table2Row

      Allows a long-distance antecedent (exx 47–49)

    • sloppyOnly : Table2Row

      Sloppy reading only under ellipsis (exx 50–52)

    • boundVariable : Table2Row

      Interpreted as a bound variable

    • hasPhiFeatures : Table2Row

      Bears φ-features

    • obligatoryDeSe : Table2Row

      Must be read de se (ex 53; [Chi90]'s diagnostic)

    • subjectControl : Table2Row

      Occurs under subject control (exx 34–43)

    • objectControl : Table2Row

      Occurs under object control (exx 54–59)

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      @[instance_reducible]
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      def Allotey2021.instReprTable2Row.repr :
      Table2RowStd.Format
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        The Table 2 column predicted by a control signature, a tier, and a control-verb inventory: the antecedence and reading rows are the criteria the profile excludes (Profile.admits); de se is a tier property, not signature content ([Lan13] §1.3; [Chi90]) — the attitude-tier reading in the paper's subject-control test configuration (ex 53; communicative object control would give de te instead); φ-covariance is feature transmission under binding; the two control rows read the inventory.

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          Table 2's observed overt-pronoun column (§§3.3.1–3.3.7, 3.4).

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            The observed column is what the ni-clause signature predicts over the attested inventory, on the logophoric tier of the attitude verbs the de se test uses (ex 53 'expect').

            The irrealis marker across complement frames #

            Within the ni-frame the subject's irrealis tone is constant (exx 43, 89c–d, 100–103, 117a). Implicativity governs frame choice: an affirmative positive implicative entails its complement realized and alternates into a realis frame (exx 89a–b), where the marker is impossible (§§5.2.3, 5.3.5).

            An attested complement configuration: matrix verb, complementizer (none for the bare frame of ex 89b), matrix polarity, marker.

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              def Allotey2021.instDecidableEqMarkerDatum.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : MarkerDatum) :
              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                  Whether the datum's frame is the irrealis ni-clause.

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                    The attested marker data (exx 89a–d, 100, 102–103, 117a).

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                      The marker tracks the clause frame, not the verb.

                      A realis frame occurs only where the complement is entailed realized: under an affirmative positive implicative (§5.2.3).

                      Landau bridge #

                      Gã clause types on [Lan04a]'s finiteness scale, via ClauseClass.ofFiniteness — a scale position, not a mood claim: §5.2 argues these clauses are not subjunctives.

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                        No Gã clause type is a tensed-but-controlled F-subjunctive (contrast Studies/Ostrove2026.lean).

                        The scale predicts the control facts for any Agr value: Gã lacks the one position that reads Agr, and has no φ-agreement anyway (§4.4, exx 79–81; §6.1).

                        Long-Distance Agree and CP strength #

                        akɛ/kɛji head strong CPs, ni a weak CP ([Riz97], §5.5.1). Blocking is a [Kei20]-style horizon at the strong C head — clause size, not intervention (contrast Studies/Halpert2019.lean, whose blocking CP is a φ-goal).

                        Projected heads of a c-headed complement: strong CPs project the full C-domain, the weak CP ni only Fin.

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                          The matrix φ-probe: a T-probe whose horizon is the strong C head.

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                            LDA reaches into a c-headed complement.

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                              LDA crosses ni and is blocked by akɛ/kɛji.

                              The probe reaches the embedded subject in exactly the OC clause types.

                              ni projects no focus field; the finite complementizers do (exx 107–108).

                              NPI licensing patterns with LDA (§5.5.3, exx 115–117).

                              Against the rival derivations #

                              Gã forbids embedded lexical-DP copies (exx 42b, 64).

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                                The occupants of ex 42b's two positions.

                                • ameele : Ex42Item

                                  the lexical matrix subject Ameele

                                • pronoun : Ex42Item

                                  the obligatory embedded proclitic

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                                  def Allotey2021.instReprEx42Item.repr :
                                  Ex42ItemStd.Format
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                                    def Allotey2021.ex42Dependency :
                                    SetRel (Fin 2) (Fin 2)

                                    Ex 42b's control dependency: matrix controller position 0 to embedded subject position 1.

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                                      The attested occupants: lexical Ameele controls the obligatory proclitic — never a lexical copy (exx 42b, 64).

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                                        Movement is token identity, and ex 42b's occupants differ across the dependency — the Movement Theory of Control ([Hor99]) is refuted on the Gã configuration (§3.6.2): control is base-generated.

                                        The lexical-copy ban is what [Lan24]'s (72) predicts (the lexical-subject generalization originates with [Gra15]): the ex 42b/64 matrix verb kai is an implicative — nonattitude, predicative tier — so its complement is property-denoting, and only propositional complements license a lexical subject. (The attitude verbs' ni-frame aligns too: kplɛnɔ 'agree' takes the lexical-subject subjunctive of ex 105.)

                                        The controlled form φ-covaries with its controller (exx 37–39), unlike [Sat19]'s form-invariant Ewe (§3.6.3).

                                        Table 4: the irrealis marker's realization sites #

                                        The five [−REALIS] contexts of Table 4.

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                                            Realization sites of the irrealis marker: high tone on the subject, high tone on the verb, the vowel segment a.

                                            • subjectTone : Bool
                                            • verbTone : Bool
                                            • vowelSegment : Bool
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                                              def Allotey2021.instDecidableEqIrrealisRealization.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : IrrealisRealization) :
                                              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                  Table 4 (exx 85–87 subjunctive; 93–94 imperative; 97 conditional; 95–96 future; 100–103 embedded control).

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                                                    The embedded-control realization profile is unique among the five irrealis contexts.

                                                    The control clause lacks the subjunctive's doubled realization (§5.2.2, ex 88: *ná).

                                                    Deriving overt PRO #

                                                    The control clause obligatorily realizes the irrealis tone on its subject, and a tone needs a segmental host (pp. 28, 45) — so the controlled subject cannot be silent.

                                                    The controlled-subject form must host the obligatory irrealis tone (Table 4's embedded-control row).

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                                                      Null PRO is impossible in Gã: a null controlled-subject form cannot host the irrealis tone.

                                                      Minimal pronoun inventory #

                                                      Gã vocabulary items: reflexive when locally bound, pronoun elsewhere; no null item. (The reflexive item is required by [Ost26]'s syncretism row for Gã; UNVERIFIED — [All21] never discusses Gã reflexives, check [Cam17].)

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                                                        The Gã inventory meets the tone-hosting requirement.

                                                        Controlled subjects surface as overt proclitics: no null item exists, so the elsewhere pronoun applies.

                                                        Typological placement #

                                                        The control complement is reduced (deranked) in Noonan's terms.

                                                        Gã instantiates [Ost26]'s universal: overt PRO and no pro-drop.