Allotey (2021): Overt Pronouns of Infinitival Predicates of Gã #
Formalizes [All21]: obligatory control into Gã irrealis
ni-clauses requires an overt subject proclitic — null PRO is
ungrammatical. The controlled clause is non-finite irrealis, not
subjunctive (against [KD04], [Cam17], [Kor17]);
the pronoun is a Spec-TP subject valued by Long Distance Agree across
the weak C head ni ([Sza09], [Riz97]) and pronounced to
host the obligatory irrealis high tone. The Movement Theory of Control
([Hor99]) does not extend to Gã, and [Sat19]'s
left-periphery-bound pronoun only partly does. The
verb-movement/negation diagnostics (§§5.5.5, 6.2, after [Pol89])
need phrase-structure substrate and are not formalized.
References #
OC by clause type #
The control profile of a Gã clause type, from its noncoreference
flag (the derivation Ostrove2026.smpmProfile also uses).
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OC status is read off the complementizer's finiteness.
A verb has a ni-frame exactly when it is a control verb (§§3.4–3.5,
5.5.1).
Table 2: the overt pronoun has the OC signature #
The eight rows of [All21]'s Table 2 ([Lan13]'s OC criteria, §§3.3–3.4).
- cCommandedByAntecedent : Table2Row
Must be c-commanded by its antecedent (exx 45–46)
- longDistanceAntecedent : Table2Row
Allows a long-distance antecedent (exx 47–49)
- sloppyOnly : Table2Row
Sloppy reading only under ellipsis (exx 50–52)
- boundVariable : Table2Row
Interpreted as a bound variable
- hasPhiFeatures : Table2Row
Bears φ-features
- obligatoryDeSe : Table2Row
Must be read de se (ex 53; [Chi90]'s diagnostic)
- subjectControl : Table2Row
Occurs under subject control (exx 34–43)
- objectControl : Table2Row
Occurs under object control (exx 54–59)
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- Allotey2021.instDecidableEqTable2Row x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Allotey2021.instReprTable2Row = { reprPrec := Allotey2021.instReprTable2Row.repr }
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The Table 2 column predicted by a control signature, a tier, and a
control-verb inventory: the antecedence and reading rows are the
criteria the profile excludes (Profile.admits); de se is a
tier property, not signature content ([Lan13] §1.3;
[Chi90]) — the attitude-tier reading in the paper's
subject-control test configuration (ex 53; communicative object
control would give de te instead); φ-covariance is feature
transmission under binding; the two control rows read the
inventory.
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- Allotey2021.predictedColumn prof tier verbs Allotey2021.Table2Row.cCommandedByAntecedent = !decide (Control.Diagnostic.nonCCommandingControl ∈ prof.admits)
- Allotey2021.predictedColumn prof tier verbs Allotey2021.Table2Row.longDistanceAntecedent = decide (Control.Diagnostic.longDistanceControl ∈ prof.admits)
- Allotey2021.predictedColumn prof tier verbs Allotey2021.Table2Row.sloppyOnly = !decide (Control.Diagnostic.strictEllipsis ∈ prof.admits)
- Allotey2021.predictedColumn prof tier verbs Allotey2021.Table2Row.boundVariable = !decide (Control.Diagnostic.strictUnderOnly ∈ prof.admits)
- Allotey2021.predictedColumn prof tier verbs Allotey2021.Table2Row.hasPhiFeatures = prof Landau2013.Clause74.boundVariable
- Allotey2021.predictedColumn prof tier verbs Allotey2021.Table2Row.obligatoryDeSe = tier.isAttitude
- Allotey2021.predictedColumn prof tier verbs Allotey2021.Table2Row.subjectControl = verbs.any fun (x : Ga.CTP) => x.control == ControlType.subjectControl
- Allotey2021.predictedColumn prof tier verbs Allotey2021.Table2Row.objectControl = verbs.any fun (x : Ga.CTP) => x.control == ControlType.objectControl
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Table 2's observed overt-pronoun column (§§3.3.1–3.3.7, 3.4).
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The observed column is what the ni-clause signature predicts over
the attested inventory, on the logophoric tier of the attitude
verbs the de se test uses (ex 53 'expect').
The irrealis marker across complement frames #
Within the ni-frame the subject's irrealis tone is constant (exx 43,
89c–d, 100–103, 117a). Implicativity governs frame choice: an
affirmative positive implicative entails its complement realized and
alternates into a realis frame (exx 89a–b), where the marker is
impossible (§§5.2.3, 5.3.5).
An attested complement configuration: matrix verb, complementizer
(none for the bare frame of ex 89b), matrix polarity, marker.
- verb : Ga.CTP
- comp : Option Ga.Complementizer
- matrixAffirmative : Bool
- markerPresent : Bool
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- Allotey2021.instReprMarkerDatum = { reprPrec := Allotey2021.instReprMarkerDatum.repr }
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Whether the datum's frame is the irrealis ni-clause.
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- d.irrealisFrame = (d.comp == some Ga.Complementizer.ni)
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The attested marker data (exx 89a–d, 100, 102–103, 117a).
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The marker tracks the clause frame, not the verb.
A realis frame occurs only where the complement is entailed realized: under an affirmative positive implicative (§5.2.3).
Landau bridge #
Gã clause types on [Lan04a]'s finiteness scale, via
ClauseClass.ofFiniteness — a scale position, not a mood claim:
§5.2 argues these clauses are not subjunctives.
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No Gã clause type is a tensed-but-controlled F-subjunctive
(contrast Studies/Ostrove2026.lean).
The scale predicts the control facts for any Agr value: Gã lacks the one position that reads Agr, and has no φ-agreement anyway (§4.4, exx 79–81; §6.1).
Long-Distance Agree and CP strength #
akɛ/kɛji head strong CPs, ni a weak CP ([Riz97], §5.5.1).
Blocking is a [Kei20]-style horizon at the strong C head — clause
size, not intervention (contrast Studies/Halpert2019.lean, whose
blocking CP is a φ-goal).
Projected heads of a c-headed complement: strong CPs project the
full C-domain, the weak CP ni only Fin.
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The matrix φ-probe: a T-probe whose horizon is the strong C head.
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- Allotey2021.ldaProbe = { probeHead := Minimalist.Cat.T, horizon := some Minimalist.Cat.C }
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LDA reaches into a c-headed complement.
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LDA crosses ni and is blocked by akɛ/kɛji.
The probe reaches the embedded subject in exactly the OC clause types.
ni projects no focus field; the finite complementizers do
(exx 107–108).
NPI licensing patterns with LDA (§5.5.3, exx 115–117).
Against the rival derivations #
Gã forbids embedded lexical-DP copies (exx 42b, 64).
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- Allotey2021.instDecidableEqEx42Item x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Allotey2021.instReprEx42Item = { reprPrec := Allotey2021.instReprEx42Item.repr }
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Ex 42b's control dependency: matrix controller position 0 to
embedded subject position 1.
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- Allotey2021.ex42Dependency = {(0, 1)}
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The attested occupants: lexical Ameele controls the obligatory proclitic — never a lexical copy (exx 42b, 64).
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- Allotey2021.ex42Occupant p = if p = 0 then Allotey2021.Ex42Item.ameele else Allotey2021.Ex42Item.pronoun
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Movement is token identity, and ex 42b's occupants differ across the dependency — the Movement Theory of Control ([Hor99]) is refuted on the Gã configuration (§3.6.2): control is base-generated.
The lexical-copy ban is what [Lan24]'s (72) predicts (the
lexical-subject generalization originates with [Gra15]): the
ex 42b/64 matrix verb kai is an implicative — nonattitude,
predicative tier — so its complement is property-denoting, and only
propositional complements license a lexical subject. (The attitude
verbs' ni-frame aligns too: kplɛnɔ 'agree' takes the
lexical-subject subjunctive of ex 105.)
The controlled form φ-covaries with its controller (exx 37–39), unlike [Sat19]'s form-invariant Ewe yè (§3.6.3).
Table 4: the irrealis marker's realization sites #
The five [−REALIS] contexts of Table 4.
- subjunctive : IrrealisContext
- imperative : IrrealisContext
- conditional : IrrealisContext
- future : IrrealisContext
- embeddedControl : IrrealisContext
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- Allotey2021.instDecidableEqIrrealisContext x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Allotey2021.instReprIrrealisContext = { reprPrec := Allotey2021.instReprIrrealisContext.repr }
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Realization sites of the irrealis marker: high tone on the subject,
high tone on the verb, the vowel segment a.
- subjectTone : Bool
- verbTone : Bool
- vowelSegment : Bool
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Table 4 (exx 85–87 subjunctive; 93–94 imperative; 97 conditional; 95–96 future; 100–103 embedded control).
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- Allotey2021.irrealisRealization Allotey2021.IrrealisContext.subjunctive = { subjectTone := true, verbTone := true, vowelSegment := true }
- Allotey2021.irrealisRealization Allotey2021.IrrealisContext.imperative = { subjectTone := true, verbTone := true, vowelSegment := true }
- Allotey2021.irrealisRealization Allotey2021.IrrealisContext.conditional = { subjectTone := false, verbTone := false, vowelSegment := true }
- Allotey2021.irrealisRealization Allotey2021.IrrealisContext.future = { subjectTone := false, verbTone := false, vowelSegment := true }
- Allotey2021.irrealisRealization Allotey2021.IrrealisContext.embeddedControl = { subjectTone := true, verbTone := false, vowelSegment := false }
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The embedded-control realization profile is unique among the five irrealis contexts.
The control clause lacks the subjunctive's doubled realization (§5.2.2, ex 88: *ná).
Deriving overt PRO #
The control clause obligatorily realizes the irrealis tone on its subject, and a tone needs a segmental host (pp. 28, 45) — so the controlled subject cannot be silent.
A tonal exponent needs a segmental host; the null form has none.
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The controlled-subject form must host the obligatory irrealis tone (Table 4's embedded-control row).
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- Allotey2021.HostsControlTone inv = ((Allotey2021.irrealisRealization Allotey2021.IrrealisContext.embeddedControl).subjectTone = true → inv.controlForm.hostsTone = true)
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Null PRO is impossible in Gã: a null controlled-subject form cannot host the irrealis tone.
Minimal pronoun inventory #
Gã vocabulary items: reflexive when locally bound, pronoun elsewhere; no null item. (The reflexive item is required by [Ost26]'s syncretism row for Gã; UNVERIFIED — [All21] never discusses Gã reflexives, check [Cam17].)
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The Gã inventory meets the tone-hosting requirement.
Controlled subjects surface as overt proclitics: no null item exists, so the elsewhere pronoun applies.
The locally-bound context realizes the reflexive item.
Typological placement #
Gã complements in [Noo07]'s typology; .infinitive is §5.6's
own term for the bare-root ni-complement.
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The control complement is reduced (deranked) in Noonan's terms.
Gã instantiates [Ost26]'s universal: overt PRO and no pro-drop.