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Linglib.Fragments.Ga.Predicates

Gã Complement-Taking Predicates #

[All21]

Inventory of Gã verbs that take embedded clausal complements, classified by the clause types they are attested with, the control relation of their ni-frame, and Karttunen implicativity. Several verbs alternate between frames — kai 'remember' takes the controlled irrealis ni-clause (ex 43) or a finite akɛ-clause (ex 89a), kɛɛ 'say/tell' takes akɛ (exx 47–49) or an object-control ni-clause (ex 117b) — and this C-selection is [All21]'s first non-finiteness diagnostic (§5.5.1, exx 104–108), so selects is list-valued. All entries are attested in her example data, cited by example number.

Identifier policy #

ASCII identifiers; IPA orthography lives in .form strings. See Fragments/Ga/Basic.lean for rationale.

structure Ga.CTP :

A Gã complement-taking predicate: form, gloss, the embedded clause types it is attested with, the control relation of its ni-frame (ControlType.none exactly for verbs without one), and its Karttunen implicativity ([Kar71]: positive = complement entailed realized, negative = entailed unrealized, none = non-implicative). Implicativity has a grammatical reflex in Gã: implicatives alternate into realis complement frames, where the irrealis marker is impossible (Studies/Allotey2021.lean).

  • form : String
  • gloss : String
  • selects : List EmbeddedClauseType

    Embedded clause types attested with this verb.

  • control : ControlType

    The control relation of the verb's irrealis ni-frame.

  • implicative : Option Implicative

    Karttunen implicative class; none for non-implicatives.

Instances For
    @[instance_reducible]
    instance Ga.instReprCTP :
    Repr CTP
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    def Ga.instReprCTP.repr :
    CTPStd.Format
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      @[instance_reducible]
      instance Ga.instDecidableEqCTP :
      DecidableEq CTP
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      def Ga.instDecidableEqCTP.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : CTP) :
      Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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        Subject-control verbs (irrealis ni-clause) #

        def Ga.tao :

        'want' — subject control; ni optionally overt ([All21] ex 34: Mi-i tao (ni) ma na bo 'I want to see you'; the embedded 1SG is the irrealis portmanteau , exx 88, 100).

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          'hope' (lit. 'face-place-upon') — subject control; ni obligatory ([All21] ex 35: Mi hiɛ-kã-nɔ ni ma ya skul gbi ko 'I hope to go to school one day').

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            'forget' (lit. 'face-stop-upon') — subject control; ni obligatory ([All21] exx 37–38: O hiɛ-kpa-nɔ ni o kɔ aspaatere lɛ 'You forgot to pick up the shoe'). Negative implicative (forget to entails the complement unrealized — textbook [Kar71], not her classification), and its ni-clause duly carries the irrealis marker (exx 102–103: ó, é).

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              'try' (lit. 'squeeze-my-face') — subject control; ni obligatory ([All21] exx 36, 60a: 'I tried to close the door').

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                def Ga.kai :

                'remember' — subject control in the ni-frame ([All21] exx 42–43: Mi kai ni ma he wolo 'I remembered to buy a book'); positive implicative. Alternates into a finite akɛ-frame 'remember that' whose realis past complement excludes the irrealis marker (ex 89a: Mi kai akɛ mi/*má he wolo lɛ); under matrix negation the ni-frame carries the marker (ex 117a: é).

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                  def Ga.nye :

                  'manage / be able to' — subject control; ni optionally overt ([All21] ex 39: 'The children managed to buy a home'); positive implicative. Also attested with a bare complementizer-less realis past complement where the irrealis marker is excluded (ex 89b: Mi nyɛ mi/*má sha tsensii lɛ); the zero-frame is not a member of the three-way clause typology and is recorded only in Studies/Allotey2021.lean's marker data.

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                    'agree' — subject control; the ni-frame requires the irrealis marker ([All21] exx 52, 89c: *mi/má; also 109, 122a). Alternates into akɛ with a true subjunctive complement ('agree that…', ex 105: Osa kplɛnɔ ni/akɛ Taki á-tsɛ́ Momo).

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                      'plan / decide' — subject control; only ni — never akɛ or kɛji — introduces the complement ([All21] ex 106), and the irrealis marker is obligatory (ex 89d: *mi/má).

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                        Object-control verbs (irrealis ni-clause) #

                        def Ga.wa :

                        'help' — object control ([All21] exx 44, 54: Mi wa Ama ni e-ya skul 'I helped Ama to go to school'). Whether help is (partially) implicative is contested in the post-Karttunen literature; left unclassified.

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                          'urge / encourage' — object control ([All21] exx 55, 60b).

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                            def Ga.dai :

                            'force' — object control ([All21] ex 56). Coded positive implicative: forcing entails the forced event realized, though two-place coercives postdate [Kar71]'s one-place inventory.

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                              'persuade / coax / deceive' (context-dependent, the paper's fn 4) — object control ([All21] exx 57–58).

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                                def Ga.bi :

                                'ask' — object control ([All21] ex 59: 'I asked Ayele to tell me a story').

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                                  def Ga.kee :

                                  'say / tell' — finite akɛ-clause as the paper's standard utterance-verb exemplar ([All21] exx 47–49: Jojo kɛɛ akɛ … 'Jojo said that …'), and object control in the ni-frame ('tell someone to …', ex 117b: John é-kee-ee Mary ni é he noko-noko 'John didn't tell Mary to buy anything'; tell is on her object-control predicate list).

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                                    Finite-complement-only verbs #

                                    def Ga.le :

                                    'know' — selects a finite kɛji-clause for if/whether complements ([All21] exx 104, 108: 'know if they will be coming', 'doesn't know whether you or he bought the book').

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                                      def Ga.gaCTPs :
                                      List CTP

                                      The attested complement-taking predicate inventory.

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