Gã Complement-Taking Predicates #
Inventory of Gã verbs that take embedded clausal complements, classified
by the clause types they are attested with, the control relation of
their ni-frame, and Karttunen implicativity. Several verbs alternate
between frames — kai 'remember' takes the controlled irrealis
ni-clause (ex 43) or a finite akɛ-clause (ex 89a), kɛɛ 'say/tell'
takes akɛ (exx 47–49) or an object-control ni-clause (ex 117b) —
and this C-selection is [All21]'s first non-finiteness
diagnostic (§5.5.1, exx 104–108), so selects is list-valued. All
entries are attested in her example data, cited by example number.
Identifier policy #
ASCII identifiers; IPA orthography lives in .form strings.
See Fragments/Ga/Basic.lean for rationale.
A Gã complement-taking predicate: form, gloss, the embedded clause
types it is attested with, the control relation of its ni-frame
(ControlType.none exactly for verbs without one), and its
Karttunen implicativity ([Kar71]: positive = complement
entailed realized, negative = entailed unrealized, none =
non-implicative). Implicativity has a grammatical reflex in Gã:
implicatives alternate into realis complement frames, where the
irrealis marker is impossible (Studies/Allotey2021.lean).
- form : String
- gloss : String
- selects : List EmbeddedClauseType
Embedded clause types attested with this verb.
- control : ControlType
The control relation of the verb's irrealis
ni-frame. - implicative : Option Implicative
Karttunen implicative class;
nonefor non-implicatives.
Instances For
Equations
- Ga.instReprCTP = { reprPrec := Ga.instReprCTP.repr }
Equations
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Instances For
Equations
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Subject-control verbs (irrealis ni-clause) #
'want' — subject control; ni optionally overt ([All21]
ex 34: Mi-i tao (ni) ma na bo 'I want to see you'; the embedded
1SG is the irrealis portmanteau má, exx 88, 100).
Equations
- Ga.tao = { form := "tao", gloss := "want", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.subjectControl, implicative := none }
Instances For
'hope' (lit. 'face-place-upon') — subject control; ni obligatory
([All21] ex 35: Mi hiɛ-kã-nɔ ni ma ya skul gbi ko
'I hope to go to school one day').
Equations
- Ga.hiekano = { form := "hiɛ-kã-nɔ", gloss := "hope", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.subjectControl, implicative := none }
Instances For
'forget' (lit. 'face-stop-upon') — subject control; ni obligatory
([All21] exx 37–38: O hiɛ-kpa-nɔ ni o kɔ aspaatere lɛ
'You forgot to pick up the shoe'). Negative implicative (forget to
entails the complement unrealized — textbook [Kar71], not
her classification), and its ni-clause duly carries the irrealis
marker (exx 102–103: ó, é).
Equations
- Ga.hiekpano = { form := "hiɛ-kpa-nɔ", gloss := "forget", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.subjectControl, implicative := some Implicative.negative }
Instances For
'try' (lit. 'squeeze-my-face') — subject control; ni obligatory
([All21] exx 36, 60a: 'I tried to close the door').
Equations
- Ga.miamihie = { form := "mia-mi-hiɛ", gloss := "try", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.subjectControl, implicative := none }
Instances For
'remember' — subject control in the ni-frame ([All21]
exx 42–43: Mi kai ni ma he wolo 'I remembered to buy a book');
positive implicative. Alternates into a finite akɛ-frame
'remember that' whose realis past complement excludes the irrealis
marker (ex 89a: Mi kai akɛ mi/*má he wolo lɛ); under matrix
negation the ni-frame carries the marker (ex 117a: é).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
'manage / be able to' — subject control; ni optionally overt
([All21] ex 39: 'The children managed to buy a home');
positive implicative. Also attested with a bare complementizer-less
realis past complement where the irrealis marker is excluded
(ex 89b: Mi nyɛ mi/*má sha tsensii lɛ); the zero-frame is not a
member of the three-way clause typology and is recorded only in
Studies/Allotey2021.lean's marker data.
Equations
- Ga.nye = { form := "nyɛ", gloss := "manage", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.subjectControl, implicative := some Implicative.positive }
Instances For
'agree' — subject control; the ni-frame requires the irrealis
marker ([All21] exx 52, 89c: *mi/má; also 109, 122a).
Alternates into akɛ with a true subjunctive complement
('agree that…', ex 105: Osa kplɛnɔ ni/akɛ Taki á-tsɛ́ Momo).
Equations
- Ga.kpleno = { form := "kplɛnɔ", gloss := "agree", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi, Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteAke], control := ControlType.subjectControl, implicative := none }
Instances For
'plan / decide' — subject control; only ni — never akɛ or
kɛji — introduces the complement ([All21] ex 106), and the
irrealis marker is obligatory (ex 89d: *mi/má).
Equations
- Ga.kpang = { form := "kpaŋ", gloss := "plan", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.subjectControl, implicative := none }
Instances For
Object-control verbs (irrealis ni-clause) #
'help' — object control ([All21] exx 44, 54: Mi wa Ama ni e-ya skul 'I helped Ama to go to school'). Whether help is (partially) implicative is contested in the post-Karttunen literature; left unclassified.
Equations
- Ga.wa = { form := "wa", gloss := "help", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.objectControl, implicative := none }
Instances For
'urge / encourage' — object control ([All21] exx 55, 60b).
Equations
- Ga.kenya = { form := "kenya", gloss := "urge", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.objectControl, implicative := none }
Instances For
'force' — object control ([All21] ex 56). Coded positive implicative: forcing entails the forced event realized, though two-place coercives postdate [Kar71]'s one-place inventory.
Equations
- Ga.dai = { form := "dai", gloss := "force", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.objectControl, implicative := some Implicative.positive }
Instances For
'persuade / coax / deceive' (context-dependent, the paper's fn 4) — object control ([All21] exx 57–58).
Equations
- Ga.laka = { form := "laka", gloss := "persuade", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.objectControl, implicative := none }
Instances For
'ask' — object control ([All21] ex 59: 'I asked Ayele to tell me a story').
Equations
- Ga.bi = { form := "bi", gloss := "ask", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.objectControl, implicative := none }
Instances For
'say / tell' — finite akɛ-clause as the paper's standard
utterance-verb exemplar ([All21] exx 47–49: Jojo kɛɛ akɛ …
'Jojo said that …'), and object control in the ni-frame ('tell
someone to …', ex 117b: John é-kee-ee Mary ni é he noko-noko
'John didn't tell Mary to buy anything'; tell is on her
object-control predicate list).
Equations
- Ga.kee = { form := "kɛɛ", gloss := "say", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteAke, Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.irrealisNi], control := ControlType.objectControl, implicative := none }
Instances For
Finite-complement-only verbs #
'know' — selects a finite kɛji-clause for if/whether complements
([All21] exx 104, 108: 'know if they will be coming',
'doesn't know whether you or he bought the book').
Equations
- Ga.le = { form := "le", gloss := "know", selects := [Ga.EmbeddedClauseType.finiteKeji], control := ControlType.none, implicative := none }