Documentation

Linglib.Fragments.Ga.Basic

Gã Fragment #

[All21]

Language data for Gã (ISO: gaa), a Kwa (Niger-Congo) language spoken in Greater Accra, Ghana, covering what [All21] ("Overt Pronouns of Infinitival Predicates of Gã") needs for the obligatory-control facts: pronoun paradigm, TAM marking, complementizer inventory, and embedded clause typology.

Coverage #

Identifier policy #

Lean 4 does not accept the IPA characters ɛ (U+025B) or ŋ (U+014B) as identifier characters. Constructor and definition names use plain Latin orthography (ake, keji, nye), while the IPA form is preserved in the corresponding String value.

What is NOT covered (deliberately) #

The verb-movement/negation-placement diagnostic ([All21]'s fifth non-finiteness argument, after [Pol89]: finite verbs raise past the suffixal negation -ee, , -ko, while irrealis embedded clauses show a free preverbal negator ka, her exx 120–125). Formalizing the raising argument needs phrase-structure substrate beyond this fragment's clause-typology schema; the finiteness split it diagnoses is already carried by ClauseProperties.unrestrictedTAM.

Pronoun paradigm #

def Ga.subjectProclitic :
PersonNumberOption String

Subject proclitic forms (plain subjective series, [All21] Table 3), on the canonical person/number inventory; none for cells outside Gã's 3 × 2 paradigm. Not covered: the clipped past-tense 1SG variant ĩ and the impersonal subject pronoun a.

Gã subject pronouns are proclitics on the inflected verb. In [All21]'s OC examples, the embedded subject of a controlled ni-clause is realized as an overt subject proclitic (ex 3a: e- for a 3SG controllee) — the embedded subject position cannot be silent. Merged with the irrealis marker á the 1SG proclitic surfaces as the portmanteau (ex 34) rather than plain mi.

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    TAM marking #

    inductive Ga.TAM :

    Prefixal TAM categories of the Gã verb (bare root = default past).

    [All21] uses the future, progressive, and perfective prefixes to argue that embedded clauses introduced by akɛ and kɛji allow the full TAM paradigm (finite), while clauses introduced by ni prohibit tense/aspect marking of any kind and are restricted to irrealis (her exx 118–119, tense-restriction diagnostic).

    • future : TAM

      Future prefix baa- (historically the ingressive deictic plus the irrealis marker á)

    • progressive : TAM

      Progressive prefix mii-

    • perfective : TAM

      Perfective prefix é- (high tone)

    • irrealis : TAM

      Irrealis marker á: no independent verbal prefix in embedded control clauses; realized as high tone on the subject pronoun (portmanteau for 1SG). True subjunctives double it — high tone on pronoun AND verb ([All21] Table 4).

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      @[instance_reducible]
      instance Ga.instDecidableEqTAM :
      DecidableEq TAM
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      instance Ga.instReprTAM :
      Repr TAM
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      def Ga.instReprTAM.repr :
      TAMStd.Format
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        def Ga.TAM.exponent :
        TAMOption String

        Segmental exponent of a TAM category; none for the irrealis, whose marking in embedded control clauses is tonal (on the subject pronoun) rather than prefixal.

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          def Ga.TAM.isFinite :
          TAMBool

          Whether this TAM is part of the unrestricted (finite) paradigm.

          Per [All21], finite embedded clauses (introduced by akɛ or kɛji) freely host any of the four TAM categories; ni-clauses are restricted to .irrealis.

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            Complementizers #

            The three complementizers [All21] discusses.

            • ake : Complementizer

              akɛ — finite complementizer for declarative complements (typically utterance and propositional attitude verbs)

            • keji : Complementizer

              kɛji — finite complementizer for conditional and conditional-like complements

            • ni : Complementizer

              ni — irrealis complementizer; introduces controlled clauses (a weak CP: no focus fronting, no independent tense, [All21] exx 107–109). Optionally overt with some control verbs (tao 'want', ex 34) and obligatory with others (hiɛ-kã-nɔ 'hope', ex 35).

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              @[instance_reducible]
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                Whether the complementizer projects a finite (full-TAM) clause.

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                  Embedded clause typology #

                  Three embedded clause types in Gã, distinguished by complementizer and TAM properties ([All21]).

                  Note: Gã irrealisNi clauses always carry an OVERT subject proclitic in controlled contexts — there is no null-PRO option. The OC properties hold of this overt-subject configuration.

                  • finiteAke : EmbeddedClauseType

                    Finite akɛ-clause: full TAM, free subject reference, no OC

                  • finiteKeji : EmbeddedClauseType

                    Finite kɛji-clause: full TAM, free subject reference, no OC

                  • irrealisNi : EmbeddedClauseType

                    The controlled irrealis ni-clause: irrealis only, obligatory coreference, OC. The complementizer ni itself may be optional or obligatory depending on the matrix verb; the irrealis tone marking and OC behavior are constant. NOT every ni-headed clause is of this type: ni also introduces true subjunctives with lexical subjects (Osa kplɛnɔ ni Taki á-tsɛ́ Momo, ex 105) and, with dwɛŋ 'think', finite low-tone complements (exx 110–111).

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                    @[instance_reducible]
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                      Properties distinguishing the three clause types.

                      • unrestrictedTAM : Bool

                        All four TAM categories available

                      • independentTense : Bool

                        Tense independent of the matrix clause ([Lan04a]'s [±T]): finite complements host past/progressive/future freely (exx 110–111), while ni-clauses have only "the tense of a possible future" and reject overt tense (exx 118–119).

                      • noncoreferentialSubject : Bool

                        Noncoreferential embedded subject possible

                      • finiteComplementizer : Bool

                        Selects one of the finite complementizers (akɛ, kɛji)

                      • npiTransparent : Bool

                        Matrix negation licenses an embedded NPI across this clause's boundary ([All21] §5.5.3: possible across ni, exx 117a–b; impossible across akɛ, exx 116a–b; kɛji unattested per-example but finite, so covered by her generalization that NPIs "cannot be licensed across borders of finite" clauses).

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                        def Ga.instDecidableEqClauseProperties.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : ClauseProperties) :
                        Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                              Typological profile #

                              Gã does NOT allow null pronominal subjects in matrix clauses: every clause requires an overt subject proclitic ([All21]).

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