Halpert (2019): Raising, Unphased #
This file formalizes [Hal19]'s derivation of cross-linguistic variation in
raising-to-subject without the Phase Impenetrability Condition. Two properties of a clausal
complement do the work, Clause: whether it is a φ-goal that matrix T interacts with, and
whether it can satisfy the EPP by moving to Spec,TP, together with whether T has an EPP at all.
The engine is Syntax/Minimalist/Probe/Basic.lean's Probe, whose search a φ-bearing clause
halts, Probe.sat, and which Agrees with the goal it halts on when that goal can occupy Spec,TP,
Probe.int, so the matrix-T EPP probe is eppProbe and the derivation it drives is
raisingOutcome. When the closest clause interacts but cannot satisfy the EPP it
absorbs the probe, and T probes a second time ([RR05]), reaching the embedded
subject, hyper-raising, when it genuinely Agreed with the clause (section 4.3), and stalling in
defective intervention when it did not, the English that-clause of section 5.3. The attested
profiles follow from the engine: English, english_profile; Zulu, zulu_profile; Uyghur,
uyghur_profile (section 4.5); and Makhuwa and Matengo, which lack the EPP, makhuwa_no_raising
(section 5.1). Phasehood is thereby relativized to φ-probes rather than a fixed condition
(Syntax/Minimalist/Phase.lean): finite CPs and nonfinite TPs of the same size get opposite
raising outcomes across languages, finite_cp_outcome_not_size_driven and
nonfinite_tp_outcome_not_size_driven.
Implementation notes #
raisingOutcome is deterministic, so the optionality of Zulu hyper-raising out of a finite
clause, where an expletive non-raising variant coexists with it, is abstracted over, as are the
tend, happen, and keep selection matrix and the adjectival versus verbal small-clause split
of English.
References #
A clausal complement, classified by the three probe-relevant properties Halpert's account turns on.
- interacts : Bool
T's φ-probe halts on it: a φ-goal, or a defective nominal intervener (the English
that-CP). Transparent clauses (English nonfinite TP, small clauses) are not interveners. - canAgree : Bool
T can Agree with it (copy φ) — a genuine φ-goal. The English
that-CP interacts but has no φ to copy ([Mou09]). - canSatisfyEPP : Bool
It can satisfy the EPP by moving to Spec,TP (Zulu infinitival TP, Uyghur DP-nominalization), vs. clauses barred from Spec,TP (Zulu finite CP, Uyghur NP-nominalization).
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- Halpert2019.instReprClause = { reprPrec := Halpert2019.instReprClause.repr }
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- Halpert2019.instDecidableEqGoal.decEq (Halpert2019.Goal.clause a) (Halpert2019.Goal.clause b) = if h : a = b then h ▸ isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
- Halpert2019.instDecidableEqGoal.decEq (Halpert2019.Goal.clause c) Halpert2019.Goal.subject = isFalse ⋯
- Halpert2019.instDecidableEqGoal.decEq Halpert2019.Goal.subject (Halpert2019.Goal.clause c) = isFalse ⋯
- Halpert2019.instDecidableEqGoal.decEq Halpert2019.Goal.subject Halpert2019.Goal.subject = isTrue ⋯
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- Halpert2019.instReprGoal = { reprPrec := Halpert2019.instReprGoal.repr }
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- Halpert2019.instReprGoal.repr Halpert2019.Goal.subject prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Halpert2019.Goal.subject")).group prec✝
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The matrix-T EPP probe, whose search an intervening φ-bearing clause halts and which Agrees
with the goal it halts on when that goal can occupy Spec,TP. The embedded subject is a movable
φ-goal, halting and EPP-satisfying. [Dea15]'s interaction is the halting here and
satisfaction the Agree, the reverse of [Dea25a]'s algorithm, on which the second probing of
section 4.3 is one Probe.run whose interacting clause does not satisfy the probe.
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The clause c-commands the embedded subject.
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The five raising outcomes Halpert's typology distinguishes.
- noRaising : RaisingOutcome
No EPP: T Agrees with the clause in situ, nothing moves (Makhuwa, Matengo).
- subjectRaises : RaisingOutcome
Ordinary raising: the embedded subject moves to matrix Spec,TP (English nonfinite TP).
- clauseRaises : RaisingOutcome
The whole clause satisfies the EPP and moves (Zulu infinitival TP, Uyghur DP-nominalization).
- hyperRaises : RaisingOutcome
A second Agree reaches the embedded subject (Zulu finite CP, Uyghur NP-nominalization).
- blocked : RaisingOutcome
A defective intervener stalls the probe (English finite CP).
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- Halpert2019.instDecidableEqRaisingOutcome x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Halpert2019.instReprRaisingOutcome = { reprPrec := Halpert2019.instReprRaisingOutcome.repr }
The derivation, run through the canonical Probe engine. With no EPP
nothing moves. With an EPP, matrix T runs eppProbe.agree over
[clause, subject]: a transparent clause is skipped and the subject
raises; a clause that satisfies the EPP is Agreed-with and raises
whole; an interacting clause that cannot satisfy the EPP absorbs the
probe (Probe.agree_eq_none_of_not_int), and the licensed second
probe reaches the embedded subject (hyperRaises) iff T genuinely
Agreed with the clause, else stalls (blocked).
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The derivation, from the Probe engine #
No EPP ⇒ no raising, whatever the clause.
A transparent clause (not an intervener) lets T reach the embedded subject: ordinary raising.
A φ-goal that satisfies the EPP raises as a whole clause; the embedded subject does not move.
A φ-goal that interacts but cannot satisfy the EPP absorbs the first Agree; the licensed second probe reaches the embedded subject.
A defective intervener (interacts, but T cannot Agree with it) stalls the probe: no second Agree, no raising.
Cross-linguistic raising profiles #
English nonfinite TP: transparent, not an intervener.
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- Halpert2019.englishNonfiniteTP = { interacts := false, canAgree := false, canSatisfyEPP := false }
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English finite that-CP: a defective intervener — visible, no φ to
Agree, cannot move ([Mou09]).
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- Halpert2019.englishFiniteCP = { interacts := true, canAgree := false, canSatisfyEPP := false }
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Zulu small clause: transparent.
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- Halpert2019.zuluSmallClause = { interacts := false, canAgree := false, canSatisfyEPP := false }
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Zulu infinitival TP: a φ-goal that satisfies the EPP.
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- Halpert2019.zuluInfinitiveTP = { interacts := true, canAgree := true, canSatisfyEPP := true }
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Zulu finite ukuthi-CP: a φ-goal that cannot satisfy the EPP.
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- Halpert2019.zuluFiniteCP = { interacts := true, canAgree := true, canSatisfyEPP := false }
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Uyghur DP-nominalization (non-modal adjective): φ-goal, satisfies the EPP ([Asa11]).
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- Halpert2019.uyghurDP = { interacts := true, canAgree := true, canSatisfyEPP := true }
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Uyghur NP-nominalization (modal adjective): φ-goal, cannot satisfy the EPP.
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- Halpert2019.uyghurNP = { interacts := true, canAgree := true, canSatisfyEPP := false }
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English raising profile ([Hal19]): raising is required out of
a nonfinite TP and blocked out of a finite CP. (Models the
seem/be likely predicates; the tend/happen/keep selection
matrix and the AP/NP-vs-VP small-clause split are not modelled.)
Zulu raising profile ([Hal19], building on [Ura94]'s
hyper-raising): hyper-raising out of a finite CP, the whole clause
raises out of a nonfinite TP (so the subject does not), and the
subject raises out of a small clause. The finite-CP case is in fact
optional — an expletive ku- non-raising variant coexists with
hyper-raising, and the ku-/u- morphology spells out first- vs.
second-Agree — an optionality this deterministic RaisingOutcome
abstracts over.
Uyghur raising profile ([Asa11], [Hal19]): a DP-nominalization raises whole; an NP-nominalization hyper-raises the embedded subject.
Makhuwa/Matengo: removing just the EPP from the Zulu setting kills raising entirely — even out of a finite-CP φ-goal.
Raising is unphased #
The thesis: a finite CP yields hyper-raising in Zulu but is blocked in
English — same clause "size", opposite outcomes — because the split is
φ-goal status (canAgree), not a size-driven phase boundary.
Likewise a nonfinite TP: the whole clause raises in Zulu but the
subject raises in English — the split is EPP-satisfaction
(canSatisfyEPP), not clause size.