@cite{klecha-2016}: Modality and Embedded Temporal Operators #
Klecha's central result: the temporal orientation of embedded clauses under attitude verbs is determined by the modal base pronoun (DOX vs. CIR), not by the modal or attitude verb per se.
Empirical puzzle #
Under past-tense think (doxastic), embedded tense cannot be future-oriented:
- "Martina thought Carissa got pregnant" → RT ≤ thinking time
Under past-tense hope (preferential / CIR-compatible), embedded tense can be future-oriented:
- "Martina hoped Carissa got pregnant" → RT > hoping time (CIR reading)
Theoretical mechanism #
- DOX returns actual histories ending at the eval time → RT ≤ EvalT (Upper Limit Constraint derived from DOX's temporal character)
- CIR returns future histories departing from the eval time → RT > EvalT (future orientation permitted)
- Embedded tense (PAST or NPST) composes with the modal base constraint. The intersection determines what temporal orientations are available: DOX ∧ PAST = past; DOX ∧ NPST = simultaneous; CIR ∧ NPST = future; CIR ∧ PAST = impossible.
What this file verifies #
- Attitude verb classifications from
Fragments.Englishderive the correct modal base compatibility - think/believe are DOX-only (block future)
- hope/pray permit CIR (allow future)
- The Upper Limit Constraint follows from doxastic temporal character
- Hacquard's positional analysis is complementary: position determines WHAT time; modal base kind determines WHICH DIRECTION
- Table 1 modal-temporal correspondence via
ModalFlavor.toModalBaseKind - NPST is strictly weaker than present (key to the analysis)
- Hope ambiguity: DOX → past, CIR → future
think is classified as doxastic → DOX only.
believe is classified as doxastic → DOX only.
hope is classified as preferential → can take CIR.
pray is classified as preferential → can take CIR.
think's attitude blocks circumstantial modal base.
believe's attitude blocks circumstantial modal base.
hope's attitude permits circumstantial modal base.
pray's attitude permits circumstantial modal base.
think's derived modal base kind is doxastic.
hope's derived modal base kind is circumstantial.
"Martina thought Carissa got pregnant" #
Under think (DOX), the embedded past tense is genuine past: RT < thinking time. Future-oriented readings are blocked.
Past reading under think is compatible.
Future reading under think is blocked.
"Martina hoped Carissa got pregnant" #
Under hope (CIR), the "past" morphology on "got" is SOT agreement — the embedded tense can be future-oriented: RT > hoping time.
But hope can also take DOX, giving a past-oriented reading: "Martina hoped Carissa got pregnant" → RT < hoping time (DOX).
Future reading under hope is permitted (via CIR).
Past reading under hope is also permitted (via DOX).
The ULC is not a stipulated constraint — it follows from DOX's temporal character. Any doxastic attitude verb imposes RT ≤ EvalT, blocking future orientation.
The CIR temporal constraint is the complement: RT > EvalT.
The §5 theorems prove ULC via Iff.rfl against
attitudeTemporalConstraint's definition. The two theorems below show
the same fact via the substrate path that @cite{klecha-2016} actually
uses: actualHistoryBase membership (Definition 3vi + eq 35a) →
constraint, by .2 projection.
This is what differentiates Klecha's ULC from @cite{abusch-1997}'s
stipulated one — the upper limit is a kernel-checked consequence of
DOX-pronoun's lexical entry, not a separately-asserted presupposition
on T-nodes. The substrate derivation lives in
Core.Modality.HistoricalAlternatives (actualHistoryBase_time_actual,
futureHistoryBase_time_future); the attitudeTemporalConstraint
projection in Theories/Semantics/Modality/TemporalConstraint.lean
delegates to it.
ULC at ℤ via actualHistoryBase membership: any embedded situation
in the matrix evaluation point's actual-history base satisfies the
doxastic temporal constraint. The proof is Klecha's eq 35a
derivation specialized to ℤ.
Future orientation at ℤ via futureHistoryBase membership: any
embedded situation in the matrix evaluation point's future-history
base satisfies the circumstantial temporal constraint. Klecha eq 35b
specialized to ℤ.
@cite{klecha-2016} §4.2 last paragraph: "[my] approach to the Upper Limit Constraint is identical in spirit, if not in implementation, to @cite{abusch-1997}'s. Abusch relies on the exact same motivation [...] the future viewed as inherently unsettled and therefore unknowable."
The theorem below makes the predicate-level convergence kernel-checked:
Klecha's attitudeTemporalConstraint .doxastic and Abusch's
upperLimitConstraint are definitionally equal (modulo argument
order). Both reduce to refTime ≤ evalTime. The proof is Iff.rfl.
The substantive content is in the proof routes, not in the proposition:
Klecha route (kernel-checked in §5b): the predicate reaches
≤viaactualHistoryBase_time_actual : s' ∈ actualHistoryBase history s → s'.time ≤ s.time, a.2-projection through the situation-base definition. The doxastic-alternative quantification is carried byWorldHistory W Timemembership.Abusch route (in
Theories/Semantics/Tense/Basic.lean): the predicate is stated directly asabbrev upperLimitConstraint embeddedR matrixE := embeddedR ≤ matrixE. @cite{abusch-1997} §7 states ULC informally; @cite{heim-1994-comments} formalizes it as a presupposition on T-nodes, endorsed by Abusch 1997 fn 20. The value-level reduction here strips the modal-alternative quantification ("now of an epistemic alternative").
So the equivalence is strict at the value level. It is not strict
at the modal-layer level: Klecha's substrate carries doxastic
alternatives via WorldHistory; Abusch's bare-≤ form has dropped
them. A modal-layer upperLimitConstraint over WorldHistory W Time
matching Abusch's original "now of an epistemic alternative" is
deferred.
Klecha's attitudeTemporalConstraint .doxastic and Abusch's
upperLimitConstraint are definitionally equal predicates (modulo
argument order). Both reduce to refTime ≤ evalTime.
@cite{klecha-2016} §4.2: "identical in spirit, if not in implementation, to @cite{abusch-1997}'s [ULC]." This theorem makes the implementation-level equality kernel-checked. The substantive spirit-level difference (derivation vs. stipulation) is recorded in §5b above and in the docstring.
The central compositional predictions. Each cell in the 2×2
matrix (DOX/CIR × PAST/NPST) has a determinate temporal orientation.
These theorems instantiate the general results from ModalTense at ℤ.
DOX + PAST = past: "Martina thought Carissa got pregnant" (genuine past reading). RT < thinking time.
DOX + NPST = simultaneous: "Martina thought Carissa was pregnant" where "was" = SOT agreement over NPST. RT = thinking time.
CIR + NPST = future: "Martina hoped Carissa got pregnant" where "got" = SOT agreement over NPST + CIR. RT > hoping time.
CIR + PAST = impossible: no RT can be both > t (CIR) and < t (PAST).
A key theoretical innovation: NPST (u ≤ t, i.e., ref ≥ perspective) is strictly weaker than present (ref = perspective). This matters because NPST includes future-oriented readings that present would exclude.
Present entails nonpast: if ref = persp, then ref ≥ persp.
Nonpast does not entail present: there exist r, p where ref ≥ persp but ref ≠ persp (namely, any future time).
@cite{klecha-2016} Table 1 shows that epistemic modals
("She has to be home by now") are past/present-oriented, while
circumstantial/deontic/bouletic modals ("She has to be home tomorrow")
are future-oriented. This follows from ModalFlavor.toModalBaseKind.
Epistemic "have to" blocks future orientation.
Circumstantial "have to" permits future orientation.
Deontic "have to" permits future orientation.
Bouletic modals permit future orientation.
All non-epistemic flavors are CIR-like.
@cite{klecha-2016} (80): "*I told John that it rains tomorrow" is unacceptable — tell imposes an upper limit, patterning with doxastic verbs. Reportatives use DOX, blocking future orientation.
Reportatives (tell, say) impose the upper limit like doxastics: the future reading is blocked.
Klecha's classification: attitude verbs and their temporal orientation
predictions, derived from Attitude.permitsCircumstantial.
- verb : String
- isDoxOnly : Bool
- permitsULC : Bool
- permitsFuture : Bool
Instances For
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- Klecha2016.thinkDatum = { verb := "think", isDoxOnly := true, permitsULC := true, permitsFuture := false }
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- Klecha2016.believeDatum = { verb := "believe", isDoxOnly := true, permitsULC := true, permitsFuture := false }
Instances For
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- Klecha2016.hopeDatum = { verb := "hope", isDoxOnly := false, permitsULC := true, permitsFuture := true }
Instances For
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- Klecha2016.prayDatum = { verb := "pray", isDoxOnly := false, permitsULC := true, permitsFuture := true }
Instances For
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Instances For
DOX-only verbs all block future orientation.
CIR-compatible verbs all permit future orientation.
Klecha's central universal — epistemic modals are DOX, and DOX
strictly blocks future orientation (§ 8) — predicts that no language
will have a felicitous "epistemic modal + future orientation"
configuration. @cite{matthewson-2013}'s Gitksan data is the obvious
test case: the variable-force epistemic imaa combines with the
prospective marker dim to produce future-oriented epistemic claims
(Fig. 4, ex. 42 and 44). The cross-framework outcome is refutation,
not reconciliation: the two analyses return different Bool values for
the (epistemic, future) cell, and there is no flavor-keyed
ProspectiveMarkerPolicy that would unify them.
Klecha's universal applied to imaa: the flavor on every meaning cell of imaa is epistemic, so the modal base is DOX, so future orientation is blocked.
@cite{matthewson-2013} Fig. 4 records two future-orientation cells
for imaa: TP=PRESENT × TO=FUTURE (ex. 42) and TP=PAST × TO=FUTURE
(ex. 44). Both require dim. The empirical claim is that these
configurations are felicitous, not blocked.
The disagreement: Klecha predicts no felicitous future-oriented imaa configurations exist; Matthewson reports two (Fig. 4 cells ex. 42 and 44). The two frameworks return different Bool values for the (epistemic, future) cell — the disagreement is concrete and source-grounded.
Architectural consequence #
A unified Theories-level ProspectiveMarkerPolicy : ModalFlavor → TemporalOrientation → Bool would have to pick one of the two values
for the (epistemic, future) cell:
- Klecha's value:
false(DOX cannot extend forward). - Matthewson's value:
true(Gitksan imaa + dim is felicitous).
The picking is a cross-linguistic theoretical commitment, not a
structural primitive. Until other modal-system Fragments (Korean
-keyss, Mandarin huì, etc.) supply additional data points that
agree with one analysis or the other, the per-Fragment requiresDim
in Fragments/Gitksan/Modals.lean should stay where it is. Promoting
it to Theories would silently impose Klecha's universal on languages
whose data refutes it.
@cite{sharvit-2014} derives the simultaneous reading of past-under-past
in English attitudes via SOT-deletion of a pronominal past
(LexicalType.pronominal + english.hasSOT = true →
english.simultaneousAttitudeReading = true in
Studies/Sharvit2014.lean). @cite{klecha-2016} derives the same reading
via DOX + NPST modal-base composition (dox_npst_iff below).
Different mechanisms, same value-level prediction: embeddedEventTime = matrixEvalTime. The bridge below witnesses both halves: (a) Sharvit's
typology Bool prediction for English, (b) Klecha's value-level Iff.
Phase F bridge — Klecha-Sharvit agreement on the simultaneous reading
for English. @cite{sharvit-2014}'s english.simultaneousAttitudeReading
Bool fact and @cite{klecha-2016}'s dox_npst_iff value-level
equivalence both witness the same prediction by different mechanisms
(Sharvit: SOT-deletion of pronominal past; Klecha: DOX + NPST
composition).
@cite{condoravdi-2002}'s metaphysical modal base (formalized in
Core/Modality/HistoricalAlternatives.lean as metaphysicalBase)
quantifies over historical alternatives at the eval time.
@cite{klecha-2016}'s CIR modal base (futureHistoryBase) quantifies
over future-history situations whose world-component lies in the same
historical-alternatives equivalence class. The world-component of
Klecha's CIR is therefore a subset of Condoravdi's metaphysical base.
Klecha §1.1 (PDF p. 7) explicitly identifies metaphysical as a "special case of the circumstantial modal base"; the present bridge makes the world-component subset relation kernel-checked.
Phase F bridge — Klecha-Condoravdi: the world-component of any
situation in @cite{klecha-2016}'s CIR (futureHistoryBase) lies
in @cite{condoravdi-2002}'s metaphysical modal base
(metaphysicalBase). The proof is .1 projection through the
situation-base + structural unfolding of metaphysicalBase /
histEquiv.
Phase F bridge — Klecha-Condoravdi: the world-component of any
situation in @cite{klecha-2016}'s DOX (actualHistoryBase) lies
in @cite{condoravdi-2002}'s metaphysical modal base. The proof is
.1 projection (same as the CIR case).
The 0.230.451 klecha_dox_iff_abusch_ulc (§5c above) was honest
about being shallow: both sides reduce to ≤ at the value level, but
the modal layer — quantification over doxastic alternatives that
@cite{abusch-1997}'s prose statement requires — was stripped on both
sides. With the new upperLimitConstraintModal substrate primitive
(in Core/Modality/HistoricalAlternatives.lean, F4), the modal-layer
bridge becomes statable.
@cite{abusch-1997}'s modal-layer ULC: an embedded situation lies in
the actual-history base of the matrix situation
(actualHistoryBase membership). @cite{klecha-2016}'s modal-layer
derivation: attitudeTemporalConstraint_derived_doxastic shows the
same membership produces the value-level constraint via .2
projection.
The bridge: both predicates ARE the same membership-in-base claim
(Iff.rfl), but the predicates' separate names carry their respective
paper attributions. The substantive content over §5c is that both
sides now carry the modal-alternative quantification (via
s'.world ∈ history s), not just the time-component projection.
Phase F bridge — Klecha ↔ Abusch ULC at the modal layer:
@cite{klecha-2016}'s modal-layer doxastic predicate (membership in
actualHistoryBase) and @cite{abusch-1997}'s modal-layer ULC
(upperLimitConstraintModal) are the same membership claim.
Both carry the doxastic-alternative quantification at the modal
layer, in contrast to §5c's value-level klecha_dox_iff_abusch_ulc
which strips it.
Phase F bridge — modal-layer ULC implies value-level constraint:
if @cite{abusch-1997}'s modal-layer ULC holds for (matrix, embedded), then @cite{klecha-2016}'s value-level
attitudeTemporalConstraint .doxastic holds for the time
components. Composes upperLimitConstraintModal_implies_value
with the substrate's attitudeTemporalConstraint_derived_doxastic.
@cite{klecha-2016}'s analysis is complementary to @cite{hacquard-2006}'s positional account: position determines WHICH TIME (high modal = speech time = present orientation; low modal = event time = past orientation), modal base kind determines WHICH DIRECTION (DOX blocks future, CIR permits future). The Klecha2016 docstring §4 (line 44) records the prose claim; this bridge makes it kernel-checked.
@cite{hacquard-2006}'s positionToOrientation covers past + present
but is silent on future (the position-to-orientation map has no
future case). @cite{klecha-2016}'s ModalBaseKind.permitsOrientation
adds the future-orientation discriminator. Together they cover all
three orientations.
Phase F bridge — Klecha-Hacquard complementarity:
@cite{hacquard-2006}'s positionToOrientation covers past +
present from modal position; @cite{klecha-2016}'s
ModalBaseKind.permitsOrientation covers future from modal base
kind. The conjunction below confirms the four cells:
(aboveAsp → present), (belowAsp → past),
(circumstantial permits future), (doxastic blocks future).
The cross-framework auditor (0.230.453) flagged the genuine
Klecha-Ogihara divergence: not past-under-past (where they
converge — both predict simultaneous via Ogihara's zero-tense vs
Klecha's DOX+NPST), but hope + past with future-oriented reading.
@cite{klecha-2016}'s CIR+NPST mechanism (cell §6 above)
uniformly handles "Martina hoped Carissa got pregnant" with the
future-oriented reading; @cite{ogihara-1996}'s PastReading enum
classifies past morphology only and has no machinery for
future-under-modal.
The bridge below makes Klecha's coverage of the case kernel-checked.
@cite{ogihara-1996}'s silence is the absence of any theorem in
Studies/Ogihara1996.lean covering this configuration; that absence
is a substantive empirical claim about the scope of Ogihara's
mechanism.
Phase F bridge — Klecha covers hope + past with future-oriented reading via CIR + NPST (cell §6 above); @cite{ogihara-1996}'s machinery does not.
Substrate bridge: @cite{klecha-2016}'s actual-history base
actualHistoryBase history matrix.toSituation IS the substrate's
TemporalDeReReading.metaphysicalAlternatives (defined in
Theories/Semantics/Tense/DeRe.lean) for a TemporalDeReReading
whose holderContext projects to matrix. The substrate's
metaphysical-alternatives constructor was designed to recover
Klecha's DOX behavior; this theorem makes the equivalence
kernel-checked (provable by rfl).