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Linglib.Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.Klecha2016

@cite{klecha-2016}: Modality and Embedded Temporal Operators #

Klecha's central result: the temporal orientation of embedded clauses under attitude verbs is determined by the modal base pronoun (DOX vs. CIR), not by the modal or attitude verb per se.

Empirical puzzle #

Under past-tense think (doxastic), embedded tense cannot be future-oriented:

Under past-tense hope (preferential / CIR-compatible), embedded tense can be future-oriented:

Theoretical mechanism #

  1. DOX returns actual histories ending at the eval time → RT ≤ EvalT (Upper Limit Constraint derived from DOX's temporal character)
  2. CIR returns future histories departing from the eval time → RT > EvalT (future orientation permitted)
  3. Embedded tense (PAST or NPST) composes with the modal base constraint. The intersection determines what temporal orientations are available: DOX ∧ PAST = past; DOX ∧ NPST = simultaneous; CIR ∧ NPST = future; CIR ∧ PAST = impossible.

What this file verifies #

"Martina thought Carissa got pregnant" #

Under think (DOX), the embedded past tense is genuine past: RT < thinking time. Future-oriented readings are blocked.

Past reading under think is compatible.

Future reading under think is blocked.

"Martina hoped Carissa got pregnant" #

Under hope (CIR), the "past" morphology on "got" is SOT agreement — the embedded tense can be future-oriented: RT > hoping time.

But hope can also take DOX, giving a past-oriented reading: "Martina hoped Carissa got pregnant" → RT < hoping time (DOX).

Future reading under hope is permitted (via CIR).

Past reading under hope is also permitted (via DOX).

The ULC is not a stipulated constraint — it follows from DOX's temporal character. Any doxastic attitude verb imposes RT ≤ EvalT, blocking future orientation.

The CIR temporal constraint is the complement: RT > EvalT.

The §5 theorems prove ULC via Iff.rfl against attitudeTemporalConstraint's definition. The two theorems below show the same fact via the substrate path that @cite{klecha-2016} actually uses: actualHistoryBase membership (Definition 3vi + eq 35a) → constraint, by .2 projection.

This is what differentiates Klecha's ULC from @cite{abusch-1997}'s stipulated one — the upper limit is a kernel-checked consequence of DOX-pronoun's lexical entry, not a separately-asserted presupposition on T-nodes. The substrate derivation lives in Core.Modality.HistoricalAlternatives (actualHistoryBase_time_actual, futureHistoryBase_time_future); the attitudeTemporalConstraint projection in Theories/Semantics/Modality/TemporalConstraint.lean delegates to it.

ULC at ℤ via actualHistoryBase membership: any embedded situation in the matrix evaluation point's actual-history base satisfies the doxastic temporal constraint. The proof is Klecha's eq 35a derivation specialized to ℤ.

Future orientation at ℤ via futureHistoryBase membership: any embedded situation in the matrix evaluation point's future-history base satisfies the circumstantial temporal constraint. Klecha eq 35b specialized to ℤ.

@cite{klecha-2016} §4.2 last paragraph: "[my] approach to the Upper Limit Constraint is identical in spirit, if not in implementation, to @cite{abusch-1997}'s. Abusch relies on the exact same motivation [...] the future viewed as inherently unsettled and therefore unknowable."

The theorem below makes the predicate-level convergence kernel-checked: Klecha's attitudeTemporalConstraint .doxastic and Abusch's upperLimitConstraint are definitionally equal (modulo argument order). Both reduce to refTime ≤ evalTime. The proof is Iff.rfl.

The substantive content is in the proof routes, not in the proposition:

So the equivalence is strict at the value level. It is not strict at the modal-layer level: Klecha's substrate carries doxastic alternatives via WorldHistory; Abusch's bare- form has dropped them. A modal-layer upperLimitConstraint over WorldHistory W Time matching Abusch's original "now of an epistemic alternative" is deferred.

Klecha's attitudeTemporalConstraint .doxastic and Abusch's upperLimitConstraint are definitionally equal predicates (modulo argument order). Both reduce to refTime ≤ evalTime.

@cite{klecha-2016} §4.2: "identical in spirit, if not in implementation, to @cite{abusch-1997}'s [ULC]." This theorem makes the implementation-level equality kernel-checked. The substantive spirit-level difference (derivation vs. stipulation) is recorded in §5b above and in the docstring.

The central compositional predictions. Each cell in the 2×2 matrix (DOX/CIR × PAST/NPST) has a determinate temporal orientation. These theorems instantiate the general results from ModalTense at ℤ.

DOX + PAST = past: "Martina thought Carissa got pregnant" (genuine past reading). RT < thinking time.

DOX + NPST = simultaneous: "Martina thought Carissa was pregnant" where "was" = SOT agreement over NPST. RT = thinking time.

CIR + NPST = future: "Martina hoped Carissa got pregnant" where "got" = SOT agreement over NPST + CIR. RT > hoping time.

A key theoretical innovation: NPST (u ≤ t, i.e., ref ≥ perspective) is strictly weaker than present (ref = perspective). This matters because NPST includes future-oriented readings that present would exclude.

Present entails nonpast: if ref = persp, then ref ≥ persp.

Nonpast does not entail present: there exist r, p where ref ≥ persp but ref ≠ persp (namely, any future time).

@cite{klecha-2016} Table 1 shows that epistemic modals ("She has to be home by now") are past/present-oriented, while circumstantial/deontic/bouletic modals ("She has to be home tomorrow") are future-oriented. This follows from ModalFlavor.toModalBaseKind.

@cite{klecha-2016} (80): "*I told John that it rains tomorrow" is unacceptable — tell imposes an upper limit, patterning with doxastic verbs. Reportatives use DOX, blocking future orientation.

Reportatives (tell, say) impose the upper limit like doxastics: the future reading is blocked.

Klecha's classification: attitude verbs and their temporal orientation predictions, derived from Attitude.permitsCircumstantial.

  • verb : String
  • isDoxOnly : Bool
  • permitsULC : Bool
  • permitsFuture : Bool
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                theorem Klecha2016.dox_only_block_future :
                ((List.filter (fun (x : AttitudeOrientationDatum) => x.isDoxOnly) classificationTable).all fun (x : AttitudeOrientationDatum) => x.permitsFuture == false) = true

                DOX-only verbs all block future orientation.

                CIR-compatible verbs all permit future orientation.

                Klecha's central universal — epistemic modals are DOX, and DOX strictly blocks future orientation (§ 8) — predicts that no language will have a felicitous "epistemic modal + future orientation" configuration. @cite{matthewson-2013}'s Gitksan data is the obvious test case: the variable-force epistemic imaa combines with the prospective marker dim to produce future-oriented epistemic claims (Fig. 4, ex. 42 and 44). The cross-framework outcome is refutation, not reconciliation: the two analyses return different Bool values for the (epistemic, future) cell, and there is no flavor-keyed ProspectiveMarkerPolicy that would unify them.

                Klecha's universal applied to imaa: the flavor on every meaning cell of imaa is epistemic, so the modal base is DOX, so future orientation is blocked.

                @cite{matthewson-2013} Fig. 4 records two future-orientation cells for imaa: TP=PRESENT × TO=FUTURE (ex. 42) and TP=PAST × TO=FUTURE (ex. 44). Both require dim. The empirical claim is that these configurations are felicitous, not blocked.

                The disagreement: Klecha predicts no felicitous future-oriented imaa configurations exist; Matthewson reports two (Fig. 4 cells ex. 42 and 44). The two frameworks return different Bool values for the (epistemic, future) cell — the disagreement is concrete and source-grounded.

                Architectural consequence #

                A unified Theories-level ProspectiveMarkerPolicy : ModalFlavor → TemporalOrientation → Bool would have to pick one of the two values for the (epistemic, future) cell:

                The picking is a cross-linguistic theoretical commitment, not a structural primitive. Until other modal-system Fragments (Korean -keyss, Mandarin huì, etc.) supply additional data points that agree with one analysis or the other, the per-Fragment requiresDim in Fragments/Gitksan/Modals.lean should stay where it is. Promoting it to Theories would silently impose Klecha's universal on languages whose data refutes it.

                @cite{sharvit-2014} derives the simultaneous reading of past-under-past in English attitudes via SOT-deletion of a pronominal past (LexicalType.pronominal + english.hasSOT = trueenglish.simultaneousAttitudeReading = true in Studies/Sharvit2014.lean). @cite{klecha-2016} derives the same reading via DOX + NPST modal-base composition (dox_npst_iff below).

                Different mechanisms, same value-level prediction: embeddedEventTime = matrixEvalTime. The bridge below witnesses both halves: (a) Sharvit's typology Bool prediction for English, (b) Klecha's value-level Iff.

                Phase F bridge — Klecha-Sharvit agreement on the simultaneous reading for English. @cite{sharvit-2014}'s english.simultaneousAttitudeReading Bool fact and @cite{klecha-2016}'s dox_npst_iff value-level equivalence both witness the same prediction by different mechanisms (Sharvit: SOT-deletion of pronominal past; Klecha: DOX + NPST composition).

                @cite{condoravdi-2002}'s metaphysical modal base (formalized in Core/Modality/HistoricalAlternatives.lean as metaphysicalBase) quantifies over historical alternatives at the eval time. @cite{klecha-2016}'s CIR modal base (futureHistoryBase) quantifies over future-history situations whose world-component lies in the same historical-alternatives equivalence class. The world-component of Klecha's CIR is therefore a subset of Condoravdi's metaphysical base.

                Klecha §1.1 (PDF p. 7) explicitly identifies metaphysical as a "special case of the circumstantial modal base"; the present bridge makes the world-component subset relation kernel-checked.

                Phase F bridge — Klecha-Condoravdi: the world-component of any situation in @cite{klecha-2016}'s CIR (futureHistoryBase) lies in @cite{condoravdi-2002}'s metaphysical modal base (metaphysicalBase). The proof is .1 projection through the situation-base + structural unfolding of metaphysicalBase / histEquiv.

                Phase F bridge — Klecha-Condoravdi: the world-component of any situation in @cite{klecha-2016}'s DOX (actualHistoryBase) lies in @cite{condoravdi-2002}'s metaphysical modal base. The proof is .1 projection (same as the CIR case).

                The 0.230.451 klecha_dox_iff_abusch_ulc (§5c above) was honest about being shallow: both sides reduce to at the value level, but the modal layer — quantification over doxastic alternatives that @cite{abusch-1997}'s prose statement requires — was stripped on both sides. With the new upperLimitConstraintModal substrate primitive (in Core/Modality/HistoricalAlternatives.lean, F4), the modal-layer bridge becomes statable.

                @cite{abusch-1997}'s modal-layer ULC: an embedded situation lies in the actual-history base of the matrix situation (actualHistoryBase membership). @cite{klecha-2016}'s modal-layer derivation: attitudeTemporalConstraint_derived_doxastic shows the same membership produces the value-level constraint via .2 projection.

                The bridge: both predicates ARE the same membership-in-base claim (Iff.rfl), but the predicates' separate names carry their respective paper attributions. The substantive content over §5c is that both sides now carry the modal-alternative quantification (via s'.world ∈ history s), not just the time-component projection.

                Phase F bridge — Klecha ↔ Abusch ULC at the modal layer: @cite{klecha-2016}'s modal-layer doxastic predicate (membership in actualHistoryBase) and @cite{abusch-1997}'s modal-layer ULC (upperLimitConstraintModal) are the same membership claim. Both carry the doxastic-alternative quantification at the modal layer, in contrast to §5c's value-level klecha_dox_iff_abusch_ulc which strips it.

                Phase F bridge — modal-layer ULC implies value-level constraint: if @cite{abusch-1997}'s modal-layer ULC holds for (matrix, embedded), then @cite{klecha-2016}'s value-level attitudeTemporalConstraint .doxastic holds for the time components. Composes upperLimitConstraintModal_implies_value with the substrate's attitudeTemporalConstraint_derived_doxastic.

                @cite{klecha-2016}'s analysis is complementary to @cite{hacquard-2006}'s positional account: position determines WHICH TIME (high modal = speech time = present orientation; low modal = event time = past orientation), modal base kind determines WHICH DIRECTION (DOX blocks future, CIR permits future). The Klecha2016 docstring §4 (line 44) records the prose claim; this bridge makes it kernel-checked.

                @cite{hacquard-2006}'s positionToOrientation covers past + present but is silent on future (the position-to-orientation map has no future case). @cite{klecha-2016}'s ModalBaseKind.permitsOrientation adds the future-orientation discriminator. Together they cover all three orientations.

                Phase F bridge — Klecha-Hacquard complementarity: @cite{hacquard-2006}'s positionToOrientation covers past + present from modal position; @cite{klecha-2016}'s ModalBaseKind.permitsOrientation covers future from modal base kind. The conjunction below confirms the four cells: (aboveAsp → present), (belowAsp → past), (circumstantial permits future), (doxastic blocks future).

                The cross-framework auditor (0.230.453) flagged the genuine Klecha-Ogihara divergence: not past-under-past (where they converge — both predict simultaneous via Ogihara's zero-tense vs Klecha's DOX+NPST), but hope + past with future-oriented reading. @cite{klecha-2016}'s CIR+NPST mechanism (cell §6 above) uniformly handles "Martina hoped Carissa got pregnant" with the future-oriented reading; @cite{ogihara-1996}'s PastReading enum classifies past morphology only and has no machinery for future-under-modal.

                The bridge below makes Klecha's coverage of the case kernel-checked. @cite{ogihara-1996}'s silence is the absence of any theorem in Studies/Ogihara1996.lean covering this configuration; that absence is a substantive empirical claim about the scope of Ogihara's mechanism.

                Phase F bridge — Klecha covers hope + past with future-oriented reading via CIR + NPST (cell §6 above); @cite{ogihara-1996}'s machinery does not.

                Substrate bridge: @cite{klecha-2016}'s actual-history base actualHistoryBase history matrix.toSituation IS the substrate's TemporalDeReReading.metaphysicalAlternatives (defined in Theories/Semantics/Tense/DeRe.lean) for a TemporalDeReReading whose holderContext projects to matrix. The substrate's metaphysical-alternatives constructor was designed to recover Klecha's DOX behavior; this theorem makes the equivalence kernel-checked (provable by rfl).