@cite{sharvit-2014}: On the universal principles of tense embedding #
@cite{sharvit-2014} @cite{ogihara-sharvit-2012} @cite{sharvit-2003} @cite{beaver-condoravdi-2003} @cite{partee-1973}
@cite{sharvit-2014} ("On the universal principles of tense embedding: The lesson from before", J. Semantics 31(2):263-313) makes the cross-linguistic distinction between pronominal and quantificational tense (after @cite{partee-1973} vs Prior 1967) the central engine for explaining variation in before-clauses (English/Polish vs Japanese) and attitude reports (English vs Polish vs Japanese).
The pronominal/quantificational substrate is in
Theories/Semantics/Tense/LexicalType.lean; the
@cite{beaver-condoravdi-2003} before semantics + IPF mechanism is in
Theories/Semantics/Tense/TemporalConnectives/Before.lean.
Sharvit's parameter space (numbered example (98), p. 300) #
A tensed language is characterized by three Boolean/typed parameters:
hasSOT— whether the language has the SOT rule (delete an embedded agreeing tense)shiftablePresent— whether the present tense's evaluation index can be bound (vs. forced free)tenseLexicalType : Option LexicalType— pronominal or quantificational (Sharvit's no-mixing assumption is enforced structurally by theOptiontype: at most one type per language);noneindicates a tenseless language, falling outside Sharvit's framework
Tenseless languages (Mandarin per Lin 2003-2010; St'át'imcets per
@cite{matthewson-2006}; Medumba per Mucha 2017; Yucatec per Bohnemeyer
2002) are not in Sharvit's scope; they fall under future Studies files
that would extend the substrate. The tenseLexicalType = none case is
present as scaffolding.
Predictions (numbered example (99), p. 301) #
Three universal predictions Sharvit derives from this parameter space, each kernel-checked over the attested-type table:
- (99a): a language with well-formed PRES-under-PAST in before exhibits p-shiftability (rather than No-p-shiftability) in present-under-past
- (99b): a language with well-formed PAST-under-PAST in before AND embedded p-shiftability has "simultaneous" readings of past-under-past in attitudes
- (99c): a language with well-formed PAST-under-PAST in before AND no "simultaneous" readings exhibits No-p-shiftability of past-under-past before
Scope qualifications #
- No-mixing assumption (§6.1, p. 300): structurally enforced by
tenseLexicalType : Option LexicalType(theOptioncannot carry both values). - No-tenseless assumption (§6.1, p. 299): predictions apply only to
tensed languages, encoded as the
hasTensesprecondition. Languages challenging this assumption (St'át'imcets, Medumba, Mandarin) require a separate study file. - Modern Greek (§6.2, parameters in (105a) on p. 304): excluded from the typology table pending bib support for the "semantic subjunctive" parameter, which Sharvit herself frames as "merely to illustrate this point" (p. 305).
- Spanish A vs B (§6.2, parameters in (105b/c) on p. 304; fn 17 on p. 302): excluded pending independent dialect-typological support — Sharvit's footnote 17 acknowledges the Peninsular/River Plate divide is unclear.
Provenance #
The earlier Studies/Sharvit2014.lean was a 124-LOC orphan whose F5
theorem went through a fictitious SimultaneousTense struct in
Embedded/Simultaneous.lean (Phase G, 0.230.462, deleted that
substrate). This rewrite (Phase H, 0.230.463) restructures the typology
to use Option LexicalType (no-mixing structural), splits
pShiftability into bare-vs-embedded after a 2-round audit identified
the predicate as overloaded, drops modernGreek pending bib support,
and corrects locator hallucinations ("table 98" → "(98)", "eq 105" →
"(105)" — Sharvit numbers them as examples, not as tables/equations).
§1. The parameter space (Sharvit's numbered example (98)) #
A language's tense profile per @cite{sharvit-2014} (98), p. 300.
The no-mixing assumption is enforced structurally by
tenseLexicalType : Option LexicalType; tenselessness is none.
- hasSOT : Bool
The SOT rule: deletion of an agreeing embedded tense.
- shiftablePresent : Bool
The present's evaluation index can be bound (vs forced free).
- tenseLexicalType : Option Semantics.Tense.LexicalType
The language's tense lexical type, or
nonefor tenseless languages (outside Sharvit's framework).
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Sharvit's "tensed language" precondition (§6.1, p. 299).
Equations
- L.hasTenses = L.tenseLexicalType.isSome
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The language's past tense is pronominal (after @cite{partee-1973}).
Equations
- L.isPronominal = (L.tenseLexicalType == some Semantics.Tense.LexicalType.pronominal)
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The language's past tense is quantificational (after Prior 1967).
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Derived empirical predicates. The substrate facts in
TemporalConnectives/Before.lean (ipf_quantificationalPast +
pastUnderBefore_wellFormed_iff) determine these definitions; they
are not independent stipulations.
Sharvit's claim: PAST-under-PAST in before is well-formed iff the
past is pronominal — quantificational past triggers IPF (proved in
Before.ipf_quantificationalPast).
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Sharvit's claim: PRES-under-PAST in before is well-formed iff the present is shiftable (the Stump effect, p. 278).
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Sharvit's claim: a language has "simultaneous" readings of past-under-past in attitude reports iff its past is pronominal AND the SOT rule is available ((59b), p. 284).
Equations
- L.simultaneousAttitudeReading = (L.isPronominal && L.hasSOT)
Instances For
Bare before-clause p-shiftability (Sharvit example (51), p. 281): the embedded past in "John left before Sally arrived" can refer to a future Sally-arrival time. Requires quantificational past: Japanese has it, English/Polish do not.
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Embedded before-clause p-shiftability (Sharvit examples (66)- (68), p. 287): when the bare before-clause is itself embedded under a matrix attitude verb, even pronominal-past languages acquire p-shiftability via SOT-deletion of the matrix past.
Equations
- L.pShiftabilityEmbedded = (L.isQuantificational || L.isPronominal && L.hasSOT)
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@cite{sharvit-2014}'s Embeddability Principle (Sharvit 2003, restated p. 299): every language has at least one mechanism for embedding a "now"-thought (SOT-deletion, shiftable present, or quantificational past).
Equations
- L.respectsEmbeddability = (L.hasSOT || L.shiftablePresent || L.isQuantificational)
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§2. Attested language types (numbered example (98)) #
English (type 6 in (98), p. 300): SOT, non-shiftable present, pronominal past.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.Sharvit2014.english = { hasSOT := true, shiftablePresent := false, tenseLexicalType := some Semantics.Tense.LexicalType.pronominal }
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Polish (type 10 in (98), p. 300): no SOT, semi-shiftable present (counts as shiftable for the typology), pronominal past. The "semi-shiftable" hedge in §4.2 is a Sharvit-internal refinement distinguishing Polish from Japanese; Grønn & von Stechow have argued against the parameter, attributing the Polish pattern to Aktionsart instead. Encoding here follows Sharvit; see linguistics audit findings (round-2).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.Sharvit2014.polish = { hasSOT := false, shiftablePresent := true, tenseLexicalType := some Semantics.Tense.LexicalType.pronominal }
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Japanese (type 11 in (98), p. 300): no SOT, fully-shiftable present, quantificational past. The quantificational classification is in line with @cite{ogihara-1996}, the canonical reference; it is the dominant view but contested by relative-tense alternatives (Kusumoto 1999, Sudo 2012).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.Sharvit2014.japanese = { hasSOT := false, shiftablePresent := true, tenseLexicalType := some Semantics.Tense.LexicalType.quantificational }
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The attested language types in Sharvit's table.
Excluded: Modern Greek (§6.2; pending bib support for the semantic subjunctive parameter), Spanish A and B (§6.2; the dialectal split is a Sharvit-internal device per fn 17). Tenseless languages (St'át'imcets, Medumba, Mandarin) are out of scope per Sharvit's no-tenseless assumption and would land in separate Studies files.
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§3. Structural constraints (§6.1) #
Every attested language has tenses (Sharvit's no-tenseless assumption holds within scope).
Every attested language respects @cite{sharvit-2014}'s Embeddability Principle (Sharvit 2003, restated p. 299).
§4. Cross-linguistic predictions (Sharvit's numbered example (99)) #
@cite{sharvit-2014} (99a), p. 301: a well-formed present-under-past in before implies the language has a shiftable present. Definitional under our derivation discipline (the well-formedness predicate is defined via shiftability per the Stump-effect argument, p. 278) — the typology theorem witnesses that the derivation goes through on every attested type.
@cite{sharvit-2014} (99b), p. 301: well-formed PAST-under-PAST in
before + embedded p-shiftability ⇒ simultaneous reading of
past-under-past in attitudes. The substantive content: given (99b's
antecedent (1)) isPronominal, the isQuantificational disjunct of
pShiftabilityEmbedded is false; so the antecedent (2) reduces to
isPronominal ∧ hasSOT, which is exactly simultaneousAttitudeReading.
@cite{sharvit-2014} (99c), p. 301: well-formed PAST-under-PAST in before + no simultaneous reading in attitudes ⇒ No-p-shiftability of bare past-under-past before. Contrapositive of the Japanese- case generalization: the bare before-clause needs quantificational past for p-shiftability, but pronominal+no-SOT languages (Polish) lack both the simultaneous attitude reading AND the bare before p-shiftability.
§5. Per-language verifications #
§6. Substrate connection: IPF kills quantificational past #
The wellFormedPastUnderPastBefore predicate is justified by the
@cite{beaver-condoravdi-2003} IPF result formalized in
TemporalConnectives/Before.lean.
Quantificational-past languages (Japanese) fail
wellFormedPastUnderPastBefore, matching the IPF prediction
(Before.ipf_quantificationalPast).
Pronominal-past languages (English, Polish) satisfy
wellFormedPastUnderPastBefore, in keeping with
Before.pastUnderBefore_wellFormed_iff.
§7. Cross-paper bridge: Sharvit ↔ Klecha on past-under-past #
@cite{klecha-2016}'s DOX + NPST modal-base derivation predicts the
simultaneous reading from semantic NPST under doxastic accessibility.
@cite{sharvit-2014}'s SOT + pronominal-past derivation predicts the same
reading from morphological deletion of the embedded past. The agreement
is at the value layer; the mechanism divergence — Klecha's modal
base vs Sharvit's SOT — is real and discussed in
Studies/Klecha2016.lean §F1.
@cite{sharvit-2014}'s prediction for English: SOT + pronominal past → simultaneous reading of past-under-past in attitudes.
The bridge to @cite{kratzer-1998}: when SOT applies in English, Sharvit's pronominal-past-with-SOT and Kratzer's deletion mechanism both produce a tense-stripped embedded clause.