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Linglib.Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.Sharvit2014

@cite{sharvit-2014}: On the universal principles of tense embedding #

@cite{sharvit-2014} @cite{ogihara-sharvit-2012} @cite{sharvit-2003} @cite{beaver-condoravdi-2003} @cite{partee-1973}

@cite{sharvit-2014} ("On the universal principles of tense embedding: The lesson from before", J. Semantics 31(2):263-313) makes the cross-linguistic distinction between pronominal and quantificational tense (after @cite{partee-1973} vs Prior 1967) the central engine for explaining variation in before-clauses (English/Polish vs Japanese) and attitude reports (English vs Polish vs Japanese).

The pronominal/quantificational substrate is in Theories/Semantics/Tense/LexicalType.lean; the @cite{beaver-condoravdi-2003} before semantics + IPF mechanism is in Theories/Semantics/Tense/TemporalConnectives/Before.lean.

Sharvit's parameter space (numbered example (98), p. 300) #

A tensed language is characterized by three Boolean/typed parameters:

Tenseless languages (Mandarin per Lin 2003-2010; St'át'imcets per @cite{matthewson-2006}; Medumba per Mucha 2017; Yucatec per Bohnemeyer 2002) are not in Sharvit's scope; they fall under future Studies files that would extend the substrate. The tenseLexicalType = none case is present as scaffolding.

Predictions (numbered example (99), p. 301) #

Three universal predictions Sharvit derives from this parameter space, each kernel-checked over the attested-type table:

  1. (99a): a language with well-formed PRES-under-PAST in before exhibits p-shiftability (rather than No-p-shiftability) in present-under-past
  2. (99b): a language with well-formed PAST-under-PAST in before AND embedded p-shiftability has "simultaneous" readings of past-under-past in attitudes
  3. (99c): a language with well-formed PAST-under-PAST in before AND no "simultaneous" readings exhibits No-p-shiftability of past-under-past before

Scope qualifications #

Provenance #

The earlier Studies/Sharvit2014.lean was a 124-LOC orphan whose F5 theorem went through a fictitious SimultaneousTense struct in Embedded/Simultaneous.lean (Phase G, 0.230.462, deleted that substrate). This rewrite (Phase H, 0.230.463) restructures the typology to use Option LexicalType (no-mixing structural), splits pShiftability into bare-vs-embedded after a 2-round audit identified the predicate as overloaded, drops modernGreek pending bib support, and corrects locator hallucinations ("table 98" → "(98)", "eq 105" → "(105)" — Sharvit numbers them as examples, not as tables/equations).

§1. The parameter space (Sharvit's numbered example (98)) #

A language's tense profile per @cite{sharvit-2014} (98), p. 300. The no-mixing assumption is enforced structurally by tenseLexicalType : Option LexicalType; tenselessness is none.

  • hasSOT : Bool

    The SOT rule: deletion of an agreeing embedded tense.

  • shiftablePresent : Bool

    The present's evaluation index can be bound (vs forced free).

  • tenseLexicalType : Option Semantics.Tense.LexicalType

    The language's tense lexical type, or none for tenseless languages (outside Sharvit's framework).

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        Sharvit's "tensed language" precondition (§6.1, p. 299).

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          The language's past tense is pronominal (after @cite{partee-1973}).

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            Derived empirical predicates. The substrate facts in TemporalConnectives/Before.lean (ipf_quantificationalPast + pastUnderBefore_wellFormed_iff) determine these definitions; they are not independent stipulations.

            Sharvit's claim: PAST-under-PAST in before is well-formed iff the past is pronominal — quantificational past triggers IPF (proved in Before.ipf_quantificationalPast).

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              Sharvit's claim: PRES-under-PAST in before is well-formed iff the present is shiftable (the Stump effect, p. 278).

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                Sharvit's claim: a language has "simultaneous" readings of past-under-past in attitude reports iff its past is pronominal AND the SOT rule is available ((59b), p. 284).

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                  Bare before-clause p-shiftability (Sharvit example (51), p. 281): the embedded past in "John left before Sally arrived" can refer to a future Sally-arrival time. Requires quantificational past: Japanese has it, English/Polish do not.

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                    Embedded before-clause p-shiftability (Sharvit examples (66)- (68), p. 287): when the bare before-clause is itself embedded under a matrix attitude verb, even pronominal-past languages acquire p-shiftability via SOT-deletion of the matrix past.

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                      @cite{sharvit-2014}'s Embeddability Principle (Sharvit 2003, restated p. 299): every language has at least one mechanism for embedding a "now"-thought (SOT-deletion, shiftable present, or quantificational past).

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                        §2. Attested language types (numbered example (98)) #

                        English (type 6 in (98), p. 300): SOT, non-shiftable present, pronominal past.

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                          Polish (type 10 in (98), p. 300): no SOT, semi-shiftable present (counts as shiftable for the typology), pronominal past. The "semi-shiftable" hedge in §4.2 is a Sharvit-internal refinement distinguishing Polish from Japanese; Grønn & von Stechow have argued against the parameter, attributing the Polish pattern to Aktionsart instead. Encoding here follows Sharvit; see linguistics audit findings (round-2).

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                            Japanese (type 11 in (98), p. 300): no SOT, fully-shiftable present, quantificational past. The quantificational classification is in line with @cite{ogihara-1996}, the canonical reference; it is the dominant view but contested by relative-tense alternatives (Kusumoto 1999, Sudo 2012).

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                              The attested language types in Sharvit's table.

                              Excluded: Modern Greek (§6.2; pending bib support for the semantic subjunctive parameter), Spanish A and B (§6.2; the dialectal split is a Sharvit-internal device per fn 17). Tenseless languages (St'át'imcets, Medumba, Mandarin) are out of scope per Sharvit's no-tenseless assumption and would land in separate Studies files.

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                                §3. Structural constraints (§6.1) #

                                Every attested language has tenses (Sharvit's no-tenseless assumption holds within scope).

                                Every attested language respects @cite{sharvit-2014}'s Embeddability Principle (Sharvit 2003, restated p. 299).

                                §4. Cross-linguistic predictions (Sharvit's numbered example (99)) #

                                @cite{sharvit-2014} (99a), p. 301: a well-formed present-under-past in before implies the language has a shiftable present. Definitional under our derivation discipline (the well-formedness predicate is defined via shiftability per the Stump-effect argument, p. 278) — the typology theorem witnesses that the derivation goes through on every attested type.

                                @cite{sharvit-2014} (99b), p. 301: well-formed PAST-under-PAST in before + embedded p-shiftability ⇒ simultaneous reading of past-under-past in attitudes. The substantive content: given (99b's antecedent (1)) isPronominal, the isQuantificational disjunct of pShiftabilityEmbedded is false; so the antecedent (2) reduces to isPronominalhasSOT, which is exactly simultaneousAttitudeReading.

                                @cite{sharvit-2014} (99c), p. 301: well-formed PAST-under-PAST in before + no simultaneous reading in attitudes ⇒ No-p-shiftability of bare past-under-past before. Contrapositive of the Japanese- case generalization: the bare before-clause needs quantificational past for p-shiftability, but pronominal+no-SOT languages (Polish) lack both the simultaneous attitude reading AND the bare before p-shiftability.

                                §5. Per-language verifications #

                                §6. Substrate connection: IPF kills quantificational past #

                                The wellFormedPastUnderPastBefore predicate is justified by the @cite{beaver-condoravdi-2003} IPF result formalized in TemporalConnectives/Before.lean.

                                Quantificational-past languages (Japanese) fail wellFormedPastUnderPastBefore, matching the IPF prediction (Before.ipf_quantificationalPast).

                                Pronominal-past languages (English, Polish) satisfy wellFormedPastUnderPastBefore, in keeping with Before.pastUnderBefore_wellFormed_iff.

                                §7. Cross-paper bridge: Sharvit ↔ Klecha on past-under-past #

                                @cite{klecha-2016}'s DOX + NPST modal-base derivation predicts the simultaneous reading from semantic NPST under doxastic accessibility. @cite{sharvit-2014}'s SOT + pronominal-past derivation predicts the same reading from morphological deletion of the embedded past. The agreement is at the value layer; the mechanism divergence — Klecha's modal base vs Sharvit's SOT — is real and discussed in Studies/Klecha2016.lean §F1.

                                @cite{sharvit-2014}'s prediction for English: SOT + pronominal past → simultaneous reading of past-under-past in attitudes.

                                The bridge to @cite{kratzer-1998}: when SOT applies in English, Sharvit's pronominal-past-with-SOT and Kratzer's deletion mechanism both produce a tense-stripped embedded clause.