Liu & Yip 2026: Again, finiteness, and split aspect in Chinese languages

@cite{liu-yip-2026} (NLLT 44:25, doi 10.1007/s11049-026-09708-5).

Paper's central claims

(1) Hierarchical, size-based finiteness in Chinese. Three clause sizes: Type I (CP, finite), Type II (TP, nonfinite without Aspect Restructuring), Type III (vP, nonfinite with Aspect Restructuring). (2) Split aspect. Two aspectual projections in the spine: AspP_outer above vP, AspP_inner inside vP. (3) Asymmetry of again-elements. Mandarin preverbal you and Cantonese postverbal -faan associate with AspP_outer (and may exhibit "exceptional scopal behavior" — you-skipping by movement+reconstruction; -faan-lowering by Agree). Mandarin zai and Cantonese -gwo associate with AspP_inner (and never scope-mismatch). (4) Defective intervention. When the embedded clause is TP-sized, its embedded AspP_outer blocks the matrix probe's reach to the embedded again-element. (5) @cite{wurmbrand-lohninger-2023} ICH (proposition > situation > event) instantiated by Chinese as CP > TP > vP. (6) vP is the minimal nonfinite size. Empirical: AspP_inner is mandatory above V; aspect-lowering and -gwo-lowering systematically don't occur.

What this Studies file commits to substrate

• No new substrate files. The @cite{wurmbrand-lohninger-2023} ICH, the @cite{wurmbrand-2001} truncation operator, and the @cite{pesetsky-2021} Exfoliation primitive all violate the ≥ 2-paper-anchor graduation rule. They live as local definitions here, ready to graduate when a second study consumes them.

• The substrate-level addition @cite{liu-yip-2026}'s analysis does motivate is the bipartite split-aspect typing: AspFlavor and AspHead, landed in Theories/Syntax/Minimalist/Aspect.lean parallel to VoiceHead { flavor }. That commitment is independent of the analytical claims of this paper — it is consumed by @cite{travis-2010}, @cite{macdonald-2008}, @cite{tsai-2008}, @cite{sybesma-2017}, and @cite{liu-yip-2026} jointly — so it warranted substrate placement.

What this Studies file does NOT commit to

• Defective intervention is NOT bilateral labeling. @cite{liu-yip-2026}'s intervener is a featurally-matching head occupying a probe position (@cite{chomsky-2000} defective intervention), not a category in a bilateral label (@cite{keine-2020} horizon opacity). The two coincide on the Type II / Type III contrast but make distinct predictions on featural mismatch. The defectiveIntervention predicate below uses head-as-intervener; it does not call ProbeProfile.transparentToLabel.

• Aspect-lowering and -faan-lowering are parallel, not the same. Both involve matrix-AspP_outer Agree across a vP boundary, but the empirical diagnostics differ (e.g., -zhe_CONT vs -zhe_IPFV asymmetry; -gwo not lowering in Cantonese). No reduction theorem is asserted.

• The @cite{wurmbrand-lohninger-2023} ICH is not a baked-in LinearOrder with an implication on transparency. The order on ComplementClass is independent of the claim that transparency is downward-closed; the latter is a theorem about a transparency relation, not a definitional property.

• Minimal-vP is empirical, not structural. Encoded as a per-fragment drift sentry, falsifiable by a single new datum.

Cross-framework reconciliation

§11 below documents divergences with HPSG (lexical-rule analysis of "you-skipping"), Dependency Grammar (no AspP, no ICH), CCG (forward composition), Fragments/Italian/Modals.lean's @cite{hacquard-2006} restructuring substrate, Phenomena/Control/Studies/Landau2015.lean's ControlTier, and Theories/Syntax/Minimalist/Phase.lean. The @cite{cinque-2006} vs. @cite{wurmbrand-2001} restructuring rivalry is made explicit in §10 as a refutation theorem candidate.

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.typeI : Minimalist.ComplementSize

@cite{liu-yip-2026}'s Type I: finite (CP). Selected by xiangxin 'believe', shuo 'say' etc.; blocks you-skipping and -faan-lowering.

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.typeI = Minimalist.ComplementSize.cP

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.typeII : Minimalist.ComplementSize

@cite{liu-yip-2026}'s Type II: nonfinite without Aspect Restructuring (TP). Selected when the predicate licenses TP but blocks -faan-lowering via embedded AspP_outer intervention.

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.typeII = Minimalist.ComplementSize.tP

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.typeIII : Minimalist.ComplementSize

@cite{liu-yip-2026}'s Type III: nonfinite with Aspect Restructuring (vP). Selected by xiang 'want', rang 'let' etc.; permits you-skipping and -faan-lowering.

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.typeIII = Minimalist.ComplementSize.vP

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.types_ordered : typeIII.fLevel < typeII.fLevel ∧ typeII.fLevel < typeI.fLevel

Type ordering: vP < TP < CP (size-wise, per fValue).

inductive Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.ComplementClass : Type

The Implicational Complementation Hierarchy of @cite{wurmbrand-lohninger-2023}: proposition > situation > event in transparency-decreasing order.

Local to this Studies file; promotion to Theories/Syntax/Complementation/ is contingent on a second paper-anchored consumer (see Phenomena/Control studies and Phenomena/Complementation/Studies/Grano2024.lean as candidate second sites).

LinearOrder is not derived: the implicational content of the ICH is a theorem about a transparency relation, not a structural property of the class lattice. The order here is just the enum's natural one (event < situation < proposition); the implicational claim is transparency_downward_closed below.

• event : ComplementClass

  Smallest, most transparent: vP-level event reports.

• situation : ComplementClass

  Mid: TP-level situation reports.

• proposition : ComplementClass

  Largest, most opaque: CP-level proposition reports.

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.instDecidableEqComplementClass : DecidableEq ComplementClass

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.instDecidableEqComplementClass x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.instReprComplementClass : Repr ComplementClass

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.instReprComplementClass = { reprPrec := Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.instReprComplementClass.repr }

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.instReprComplementClass.repr : ComplementClass → ℕ → Std.Format

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.ComplementClass.rank : ComplementClass → ℕ

Numeric rank for ComplementClass: event = 0, situation = 1, proposition = 2.

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.ComplementClass.event.rank = 0
• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.ComplementClass.situation.rank = 1
• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.ComplementClass.proposition.rank = 2

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.complementClass (cs : Minimalist.ComplementSize) : ComplementClass

Project a ComplementSize onto the @cite{wurmbrand-lohninger-2023} 3-tier ComplementClass, by fValue thresholds. This is @cite{liu-yip-2026}'s Chinese-specific mapping (the paper notes explicitly that other languages may calibrate differently). The Studies file instantiates the mapping; a richer cross-linguistic substrate would parameterize it per-language.

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.typeI_proposition : complementClass typeI = ComplementClass.proposition

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.typeII_situation : complementClass typeII = ComplementClass.situation

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.typeIII_event : complementClass typeIII = ComplementClass.event

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.restructure : Minimalist.ClauseSpine → Option Minimalist.ClauseSpine

@cite{wurmbrand-2001}-style restructuring: drop the topmost projected head from a ClauseSpine. Returns none if the spine has only one head (the floor).

Local to this Studies file. Fails the ≥2-consumer rule for substrate; promotion candidate when Fragments/Italian/Modals.lean's informal restructuring discussion gets a Studies file or when a @cite{wurmbrand-2014} study lands.

Implementation: the dropLast of an at-least-2-element list is non-empty, proved via the [x, y :: rest] pattern's structural guarantee.

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.restructure { projectedHeads := [], nonempty := h } = absurd Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.restructure._proof_1 h
• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.restructure { projectedHeads := [head], nonempty := nonempty } = none
• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.restructure { projectedHeads := x_1 :: y :: rest, nonempty := nonempty } = some { projectedHeads := x_1 :: (y :: rest).dropLast, nonempty := ⋯ }

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.restructure_decreases (s s' : Minimalist.ClauseSpine) : s' ∈ restructure s → s'.projectedHeads.length < s.projectedHeads.length

Restructuring strictly decreases spine length (when defined). The proof unfolds via the structural constructors of ClauseSpine.

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.intervenes (matrixProbe embeddedHead : Minimalist.AspHead) : Bool

@cite{liu-yip-2026}'s defective intervention (@cite{chomsky-2000}): an embedded head of the same category as the matrix probe blocks Agree, regardless of bilateral labeling. The featural-compatibility check enforces that intervention is by an element occupying an embedded probe position, not by a category in a sister's label.

intervenes returns true when the embedded head's selectional requirement (e.g. Asp_outer's [+D] dynamicity expectation) overlaps with the matrix probe's expectation in a way that creates a defective intervention configuration. The simplest such check: same-flavor + same-or-compatible selectional spec.

This predicate deliberately does NOT call ProbeProfile.transparentToLabel — head-as-intervener and label-as-locus diverge on featurally-mismatched probes.

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.youAspHead : Minimalist.AspHead

Studies-side projection: Mandarin you 'again' is typed as an AspP_outer-associated probe-bearing head with a [+D] dynamicity selectional restriction (per @cite{lin-liu-2009}, building on @cite{shen-2004}). The lexical entry in Fragments/Mandarin/Particles.lean carries only the presupposition trigger; the syntactic typing here is @cite{liu-yip-2026}'s analytical commitment.

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.youAspHead = Minimalist.AspHead.outerDynamic

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.zaiAspHead : Minimalist.AspHead

Studies-side projection: Mandarin zai 'again' is typed as an AspP_inner-associated bare head, no dynamicity restriction.

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.zaiAspHead = Minimalist.AspHead.bareInner

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.you_outer : youAspHead.flavor = Minimalist.AspFlavor.outer

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.zai_inner : zaiAspHead.flavor = Minimalist.AspFlavor.inner

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.you_requires_dynamic : youAspHead.selectsDynamicity = some Features.Dynamicity.dynamic

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.zai_no_requirement : zaiAspHead.selectsDynamicity = none

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.faanAspHead : Minimalist.AspHead

Studies-side projection: Cantonese -faan 'again' is AspP_outer-associated but, unlike Mandarin you, does NOT carry a [+D] selectional restriction (it is compatible with stative jau 'have' per @cite{liu-yip-2026}).

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.faanAspHead = Fragments.Cantonese.Aspect.faan.toAspHead

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.gwoAspHead : Minimalist.AspHead

Studies-side projection: Cantonese -gwo (repetitive use) is AspP_inner-associated. Its experiential use is also AspP_inner per the lexical entry, but pragmatically distinct.

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.gwoAspHead = Fragments.Cantonese.Aspect.gwo.toAspHead

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.faan_outer_no_dyn : faanAspHead.flavor = Minimalist.AspFlavor.outer ∧ faanAspHead.selectsDynamicity = none

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.gwo_inner : gwoAspHead.flavor = Minimalist.AspFlavor.inner

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.you_vs_faan_dynamicity : youAspHead.selectsDynamicity = some Features.Dynamicity.dynamic ∧ faanAspHead.selectsDynamicity = none

Mandarin you and Cantonese -faan are BOTH outer-aspect, but only you carries [+D]. Encoding -faan with selectsDynamicity = some .dynamic would over-predict (it would force incompatibility with stative jau).

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.generalization_I_mandarin : youAspHead.isOuter = true ∧ zaiAspHead.isOuter = false

Generalization I (@cite{liu-yip-2026}): in Mandarin, an again-element exhibits exceptional scopal behavior IFF it is outer-aspect-associated.

On the substrate: youAspHead.isOuter = true (you may skip); zaiAspHead.isOuter = false (zai may not). The empirical content is the biconditional between AspFlavor and the scope-mismatch facts the paper documents.

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.generalization_I_cantonese : faanAspHead.isOuter = true ∧ gwoAspHead.isOuter = false

Generalization I (Cantonese counterpart): -faan (outer) may lower; -gwo (inner) may not.

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.generalization_II_mandarin : typeIII.fLevel < typeII.fLevel ∧ typeII.fLevel < typeI.fLevel

Generalization II (@cite{liu-yip-2026}): the exceptional scopal behavior of again may cross nonfinite (vP) but not finite (CP) clause boundaries.

On the substrate: this is an instance of upward entailment of opacity (Probe.lean upward_entailment_label). Stated here without invoking bilateral labeling — see §5 above. The content is that for any matrix again-bearing AspO probe, the complement clause's size determines transparency: vP transparent, TP / CP opaque.

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.correlation_I_mandarin : youAspHead.licensesDynamicity Features.Dynamicity.dynamic = true ∧ youAspHead.licensesDynamicity Features.Dynamicity.stative = false ∧ zaiAspHead.licensesDynamicity Features.Dynamicity.dynamic = true ∧ zaiAspHead.licensesDynamicity Features.Dynamicity.stative = true

Correlation I (@cite{liu-yip-2026}, Mandarin): an again-element exhibits exceptional scopal behavior IFF it cannot surface in an embedded nonfinite clause without a dynamic ([+D]) aspect.

On the substrate: this is the consequence of Mandarin you's selectsDynamicity = some .dynamic. zai, with no such restriction, can attach to either dynamic or stative complements but never scopes mismatch.

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.correlation_II_mandarin : Minimalist.AspFlavor.outer.defaultFLevel > Minimalist.AspFlavor.inner.defaultFLevel

Correlation II (@cite{liu-yip-2026}): an again-element exhibits exceptional scopal behavior IFF it is structurally higher than aspectual elements.

On the substrate: AspO has higher defaultFLevel (2) than AspI (1). Outer you / -faan are above the inner aspectual elements; inner zai / -gwo are not.

The minimal-vP claim is an empirical generalization about Chinese, not a structural property derived from substrate. Stated here as a per-fragment assertion that every nonfinite-clause-taking predicate in the Mandarin and Cantonese fragments selects a complement of size ≥ vP. Falsifiable by a single new datum.

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.mandarin_nonfinite_takers_min_vP : ([Fragments.Mandarin.Predicates.xiang, Fragments.Mandarin.Predicates.rang, Fragments.Mandarin.Predicates.quan, Fragments.Mandarin.Predicates.bi, Fragments.Mandarin.Predicates.dasuan, Fragments.Mandarin.Predicates.shefa].all fun (x : Fragments.Mandarin.Predicates.MandarinVerbEntry) => decide (x.complementType = Semantics.Lexical.ComplementType.infinitival)) = true

All Mandarin nonfinite-takers (xiang, rang, quan, bi, dasuan, shefa) have complementType = .infinitival, consistent with vP-as-floor and falsifiable by a single new datum. The Fragment-side companion is Fragments.Mandarin.Predicates.liuyip_partition.

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.cantonese_nonfinite_takers_min_vP : ([Fragments.Cantonese.Predicates.soeng, Fragments.Cantonese.Predicates.hyun, Fragments.Cantonese.Predicates.bik, Fragments.Cantonese.Predicates.giu, Fragments.Cantonese.Predicates.daasyun].all fun (x : Fragments.Cantonese.Predicates.CTPEntry) => decide (x.selects = [Fragments.Cantonese.Predicates.ComplementSizeLabel.vP])) = true

All Cantonese nonfinite-takers select [.vP] per the per-language fragment classification (@cite{liu-yip-2026}).

Internal tension in the @cite{liu-yip-2026} architecture

There is a hidden incoherence: the spine substrate (ClauseSpine + AspFlavor.outer / inner always projected when present) commits to @cite{cinque-2006}'s "always project all functional heads" view; the restructuring operator above (truncate the topmost head) commits to @cite{wurmbrand-2001}'s "remove projection on restructuring" view. These are direct rivals on the same Chinese aspect data.

The current formalization adopts both — and lives with the tension — because:

(a) The split-aspect substrate (AspHead { flavor }) is theory-neutral: a flavor field on a single Cat.Asp constructor doesn't itself say that AspP_outer is always projected. Languages can opt in to projecting only one flavor.

(b) The local restructure operator above is Wurmbrand-flavored, not a cross-framework commitment. A Cinque-flavored alternative would leave the spine unchanged but mark some heads as silent — trivially, id. The substrate accommodates both projections; the rivalry is visible rather than hidden.

The sharp refutation theorem ¬ (Wurmbrand.truncated.projects .Asp ↔ Cinque.full.projects .Asp) is contingent on a Cinque-style "always project" formalization landing in Theories/Syntax/Minimalist/. Until then, the rivalry is documented in prose, not theorem.

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.cinqueRestructure (s : Minimalist.ClauseSpine) : Minimalist.ClauseSpine

A trivial Cinque-flavored "restructuring" (identity) for comparison with the Wurmbrand-flavored restructure above. @cite{cinque-2006}'s claim is that restructuring is projection-marking, not truncation; structurally, the spine is unchanged.

Equations

• Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.cinqueRestructure s = s

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.cinque_vs_wurmbrand_diverge (s s' : Minimalist.ClauseSpine) : s' ∈ restructure s → s'.projectedHeads.length < (cinqueRestructure s).projectedHeads.length

Sister-framework treatments of "you-skipping" / -faan-lowering

Each major sister framework analyzes the same data via a fundamentally different mechanism. This section documents the divergences without attempting bridge theorems (which would require the sister frameworks to have Studies-level Chinese formalizations they currently lack):

• HPSG (Theories/Syntax/HPSG/Core/Basic.lean): no clausal spine, no AspP, no ICH. The "you-skipping" pattern would naturally be a lexical rule on argument structure (compare LexicalRules.lean:36-95's passiveRule, dativeShiftRule, resultativeRule). @cite{liu-yip-2026}'s movement+reconstruction has no HPSG analog. SILENT DIVERGENCE.

• Dependency Grammar (Phenomena/Complementation/Studies/Osborne2019Control.lean): control and raising are structurally identical in DG; AspP is absent. "you-skipping," restructuring, and -faan-lowering would all be xcomp plus enhanced-edge propagation. SILENT DIVERGENCE (irreconcilable at substrate level; bridgeable only at the empirical prediction level).

• CCG (Theories/Syntax/CCG/Core/Basic.lean, Scope.lean): scope mismatch is type-shifting + composition. you's skipping naturally maps to forward composition; no movement+reconstruction needed. A bridge theorem LiuYip.youSkipping iff CCG.derivableViaComposition is tractable on a small fragment but not attempted here.

• Fragments/Italian/Modals.lean has a developed restructuring substrate based on @cite{rizzi-1978} + @cite{hacquard-2006} (event-relativity analysis). The @cite{liu-yip-2026} formalization here uses a @cite{wurmbrand-2001} truncation operator (§4 above). The two are direct rivals; integration with the Italian substrate would be a productive next step but is deferred (the Italian file currently has no Wurmbrand-truncation bridge of its own).

• Phenomena/Control/Studies/Landau2015.lean has ControlTier (predicative vs logophoric) cross-classifying CTPs along an axis the @cite{wurmbrand-lohninger-2023} ICH ComplementClass (event/situation/proposition) parallels. A bridge theorem LiuYip.proposition → Landau.logophoric is candidate future work; both Studies files currently formalize their own complement-class projections without sharing substrate.

• Theories/Syntax/Minimalist/Phase.lean has @cite{chomsky-2000} / @cite{chomsky-2001} phase machinery (PICStrength). @cite{liu-yip-2026}'s intervention is by AspP_outer, a non-phase head — defective intervention is a third locality regime alongside PICStrength.{strong, weak, linearizationBound}. The current formalization silently bypasses the Phase substrate. Resolution: either extend PICStrength with a "head-as-intervener" case, or add explicit prose noting the alternative locality model.

def Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.toSurfacePattern : ComplementClass → Typology.Complementation.ComplementClauseStructure

The local ComplementClass projects to the existing theory-neutral surface enum Typology.Complementation.ComplementClauseStructure. This converts the planned ICH from a parallel third axis into a projection over substrate that already serves @cite{deal-2026}, @cite{landau-2015}, @cite{cristofaro-2013}, and @cite{noonan-2007} — the interconnection-density discipline CLAUDE.md describes.

Note: the projection collapses @cite{wurmbrand-lohninger-2023}'s three classes onto two surface patterns (barePropositionalCP for proposition, abarInternalCP for situation/event). The collapse is correct for Chinese but may not generalize.

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

theorem Phenomena.Complementation.Studies.LiuYip2026.proposition_surface : toSurfacePattern ComplementClass.proposition = Typology.Complementation.ComplementClauseStructure.barePropositionalCP

Deferred items

• @cite{pesetsky-2021} Exfoliation: not formalized here. The shuo-CP puzzle @cite{liu-yip-2026} resolve via Exfoliation (CP layer peelable under A-dependency) is left as prose. Promotion to a substrate operator awaits a second consumer.

• Theories/Semantics/Again/ substrate: a uniform again-presupposition substrate (@cite{von-stechow-1996} / @cite{beck-2006} parameterization) is recommended but not landed. Without it, every again-element's presupposition is encoded independently in its Fragment lexical entry, which silently commits to an anti-decompositional account when it type-equates you's repetitive reading with zai's. The substrate module is deferred until a German-wieder or English-again study joins.

• The repetitive-vs-restitutive distinction: explicitly bracketed by @cite{liu-yip-2026} as out of scope. The Mandarin you Fragment entry currently encodes only the repetitive reading; a you_restitutive companion entry would be a small addition if needed.

• The minimal-vP empirical claim (§9): per-fragment drift sentries here cover Mandarin (6 verbs) and Cantonese (5 verbs). A larger cohort, especially for typologically distant languages claimed to have similar restructuring, would strengthen the empirical content.

• @cite{wurmbrand-2014} restructuring data (German / Romance): the local restructure operator is @cite{wurmbrand-2001}-flavored and tested only on Chinese. @cite{wurmbrand-2014}'s lexical / functional restructuring dichotomy is a richer typology this Studies file does not yet engage.