Cantonese Aspect Markers #
@cite{matthews-yip-1994} @cite{cheung-1972} @cite{cheung-2007} @cite{yip-k-f-2025} @cite{liu-yip-2026} App. B (127)
Cantonese (ISO yue, Sinitic) postverbal aspect markers, organized along the
inner / outer split (Travis 2010, MacDonald 2008, Sybesma 2017): outer markers
sit above vP and host viewpoint distinctions; inner markers sit inside vP and
host Aktionsart-derived distinctions (notably the rich inventory of phase
complements catalogued by @cite{yip-k-f-2025} and reproduced in
@cite{liu-yip-2026} Appendix B).
This file commits the lexical data; the analytical positioning of -faan as
outer-aspect-associated (and -gwo as inner-aspect-associated) is per Liu &
Yip 2026's analysis and lives in
Phenomena/Complementation/Studies/LiuYip2026.lean.
A Cantonese aspect-marker lexical entry. Theory-light: surface form, gloss, a rough Aktionsart classification (perfective / experiential / progressive / continuative / repetitive), the cartographic AspFlavor it conventionally associates with (per the inner / outer split), and a pointer to the canonical citation.
- form : String
- hanzi : String
- gloss : String
- flavor : Minimalist.AspFlavor
- semantic : String
- notes : String
Instances For
Equations
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Outer-aspect markers (canonically associate with AspP_outer above vP) #
-zo 咗 — perfective, postverbal suffix (Cantonese counterpart of Mandarin -le). Outer aspect per @cite{yip-k-f-2025}.
Equations
- Fragments.Cantonese.Aspect.zo = { form := "-zo", hanzi := "咗", gloss := "PFV", flavor := Minimalist.AspFlavor.outer, semantic := "perfective" }
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-gan 緊 — progressive, postverbal suffix. Outer aspect (viewpoint). Cantonese counterpart of Mandarin zhengzai / zai (the progressive, not the again-element).
Equations
- Fragments.Cantonese.Aspect.gan = { form := "-gan", hanzi := "緊", gloss := "PROG", flavor := Minimalist.AspFlavor.outer, semantic := "progressive" }
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-faan 返 — repetitive / restorative aspect, postverbal suffix. Liu & Yip 2026 §5–6 analyse it as AspP_outer-associated; its exceptional wide scope across nonfinite vPs is the headline Cantonese case study.
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Inner-aspect markers (canonically associate with AspP_inner within vP) #
-gwo 過 — experiential aspect, postverbal suffix (Cantonese counterpart of
Mandarin -guo). @cite{liu-yip-2026} §5 analyse the repetitive-flavored
-gwo as AspP_inner-associated, distinct from the experiential reading.
The entry here records the lexical form; the dual analysis lives in
LiuYip2026.lean.
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-zyu 住 — continuative / durative postverbal suffix. Per @cite{matthews-yip-1994}: ngo5 zo6-zyu6 'I am sitting'. Inner aspect.
Equations
- Fragments.Cantonese.Aspect.zyu = { form := "-zyu", hanzi := "住", gloss := "CONT", flavor := Minimalist.AspFlavor.inner, semantic := "continuative" }
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Inventory + drift sentry #
Drift sentry: this fragment covers the five aspect markers above.
-faan and -zo and -gan are outer-aspect; -gwo and -zyu are inner-aspect.
Bridge to AspHead substrate #
Each AspectMarker projects to an AspHead. -faan is the only entry that
gets a probe-bearing AspHead (it is the head that triggers Liu & Yip's
agreement-across-clause-boundary mechanism); the others are bare. -faan's
AspHead has selectsDynamicity = none because Liu & Yip 2026 (their footnote
on (78), citing data with stative jau 'have') note that -faan does NOT
require a dynamic complement, in contrast with Mandarin you (which does).
Equations
- m.toAspHead = match m.flavor with | Minimalist.AspFlavor.outer => { flavor := Minimalist.AspFlavor.outer } | Minimalist.AspFlavor.inner => { flavor := Minimalist.AspFlavor.inner }
Instances For
Liu & Yip 2026's audit-flagged claim: -faan does NOT carry a [+D]
selectional restriction (it composes with stative jau 'have'). Encoded
by leaving selectsDynamicity = none on its AspHead.