Documentation

Studies.LiuYip2026

Liu and Yip (2026): Again, finiteness, and split aspect in Chinese languages #

This file formalizes the size-based account of finiteness and of exceptional scope in Liu and Yip's paper. Verb complements in Mandarin and Cantonese come in three sizes, a finite CP, a nonfinite TP and a nonfinite vP, and the two aspect projections of the split aspect approach sit at fixed heights, the outer one at the level of T above vP and the inner one at the level of v, so every complement contains inner aspect and only a TP or larger contains outer aspect (Contains). An again-element or aspectual suffix associates with one of the two projections, by movement for Mandarin preverbal you and by agreement for the suffixes, and takes exceptional scope across a complement, skipping the matrix predicate or lowering onto it, exactly when the complement has no projection of its kind to intervene, so that it associates with the matrix one (ExceptionalScope). The paper's tables follow from that one definition: outer-associated elements, Mandarin you, Cantonese -faan and the outer aspectual suffixes, take exceptional scope across a vP and across nothing larger (exceptionalScope_outer_iff); inner-associated elements, Mandarin zai, Cantonese zoi and repetitive -gwo, the continuous -zyu and the phase complements, never do (not_exceptionalScope_inner), which is the argument that vP is the minimal size of a nonfinite clause; and transparency is downward closed along the size hierarchy (ExceptionalScope.anti), the implicational complementation hierarchy of Wurmbrand and Lohninger. Mandarin you alone carries the unvalued dynamic feature of Lin and Liu and must be licensed by an outer aspect head bearing [+D], which the paper's selectional table for xiang 'want', rang 'let' and xiangxin 'believe' turns into the embeddability of you (Pred.embedsYou) and into the blocking of aspect lowering by an embedded you (not_exceptionalScope_of_licensesDynamic).

Main definitions #

Main results #

Implementation notes #

The two projections are the binary split of [Tra10b], [MD08], [Tsa08] and [Syb17]; their heights are those of the functional sequence in Syntax/Minimalist/Category/FunctionalSequence, outer aspect at the level of T and inner aspect at the level of v, so containment is a comparison of levels. Chomsky's defective intervention is not a relation between heads: an embedded projection blocks association whatever its features, which is the paper's claim. The semicomplementizer and Exfoliation, the restitutive reading, the Italian parallel and the crosstype ambiguity of dasuan 'plan' are not represented.

References #

Clause sizes and the projections they contain #

The two aspect projections of the split aspect approach: the outer one above vP, which hosts viewpoint aspect, and the inner one in the v shell, which hosts Aktionsart.

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      The height of a projection in the functional sequence, the level of T for the outer one and of v for the inner one.

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        Type II, the nonfinite TP without aspect restructuring.

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          Type III, the nonfinite vP with aspect restructuring.

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            A complement of size s contains the aspect projection f when it reaches the projection's height, the level of T for the outer one and the level of v for the inner one.

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              Every complement from vP up contains inner aspect.

              A complement contains outer aspect exactly when it is at least a TP.

              An element associated with the projection f takes exceptional scope across a complement of size s, skipping the matrix predicate or lowering onto it, when the complement has no projection of that kind to intervene, so that the element associates with the matrix one.

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                Transparency is downward closed along the size hierarchy, the implicational complementation hierarchy, so what crosses a larger complement crosses a smaller one.

                Outer-associated elements take exceptional scope across a complement smaller than a TP, the vP, and across nothing larger.

                Inner-associated elements never take exceptional scope: every complement contains inner aspect, so vP is the minimal size of a nonfinite clause.

                Generalization II says that exceptional scope crosses a nonfinite vP, not a nonfinite TP nor a finite CP.

                The again-elements and their projections #

                The again-type elements of the two languages: Mandarin preverbal you and zai, Cantonese preverbal jau and zoi and postverbal -faan and repetitive -gwo.

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                  def LiuYip2026.instReprAgain.repr :
                  Again → ℕ → Std.Format
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                    Every again-element is an iterative trigger in its fragment.

                    The projection each element associates with. You associates by movement and -faan by agreement with the outer one, and zai, zoi and repetitive -gwo with the inner one; preverbal jau is base-generated where it is pronounced and associates with neither.

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                      The element carries the unvalued dynamic feature [u+D] that an outer aspect head bearing [+D] must check, which you alone does.

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                        The element takes exceptional scope across some complement.

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                          An element takes exceptional scope somewhere exactly when it associates with the outer projection.

                          Generalization I says that exceptional scope is found with you but not with zai.

                          In Cantonese -faan lowers, repetitive -gwo does not, and neither preverbal adverb has exceptional scope.

                          theorem LiuYip2026.correlation_I (a : Again) :
                          a ∈ [Again.you, Again.zai] → (a.Skips ↔ a.NeedsDynamic)

                          Correlation I says that a Mandarin again-element has exceptional scope iff it cannot surface in an embedded nonfinite clause without a dynamic aspect, that is, iff it carries [u+D].

                          Correlation II says that an again-element has exceptional scope iff its projection is at least as high as the aspectual heads, the level of Asp in the functional sequence.

                          Aspect suffixes and phase complements #

                          The Cantonese aspect suffixes associate with a projection, the perfective -zo, the progressive -gan and the experiential -gwo with the outer one and the continuous -zyu with the inner one.

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                            Under aspect lowering an outer aspect suffix embedded in a vP is interpreted on the matrix predicate, and the continuous -zyu alone is not.

                            Selection and the licensing of you #

                            A complement as a predicate selects it is a vP, a TP whose outer aspect head has the given dynamicity, or a CP.

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                                A complement licenses a [u+D] element when it has an outer aspect head bearing [+D], as a dynamic TP does, and a CP, whose outer aspect head may be dynamic.

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                                  A complement that licenses you contains outer aspect, so nothing outer-associated takes exceptional scope across it: an embedded you blocks aspect lowering.

                                  The three Mandarin predicates of the selectional table.

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                                    instance LiuYip2026.instDecidableEqPred :
                                    DecidableEq Pred
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                                    def LiuYip2026.instReprPred.repr :
                                    Pred → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                      You can surface in a complement of the predicate iff the predicate selects a complement licensing [u+D].

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                                        You skips the predicate iff the predicate selects a vP.

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                                          In the selectional table want embeds no you but is skipped, let does both, and believe embeds you and is not skipped.

                                          The Cantonese predicates and the size of the complement each selects. The nonfinite clause-taking soeng 'want', hyun 'urge', bik 'force', giu 'ask' and daasyun 'intend' select a vP, and the finite clause-taking seon 'believe', gong 'say' and geidak 'remember' a CP.

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                                            def LiuYip2026.instReprCPred.repr :
                                            CPred → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                              The sizes agree with the fragment's frames, in that a predicate selects a CP iff its basic frame is a finite clause.

                                              theorem LiuYip2026.Pred.selects_cP_iff (p : Pred) :
                                              Complement.cP ∈ p.selects ↔ ∃ fr ∈ p.entry.valency.frames.head?, fr.HasFinite

                                              Among the Mandarin predicates xiangxin alone selects a CP.

                                              -Faan lowers across the complement of soeng 'want' and not across that of seon 'believe'.

                                              The implicational complementation hierarchy #

                                              The semantic complement classes of the hierarchy, event, situation and proposition, and the minimal size each maps to.

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                                                  A dependency transparent for a class is transparent for every more integrated class.