Typology.Complementation #
@cite{noonan-2007} @cite{dryer-2013-wals} @cite{dryer-haspelmath-2013}
Per-language typological substrate for complementation, subordination, and complement-taking predicates (CTPs), covering @cite{noonan-2007}'s typology plus seven WALS chapters:
- Ch 94 (@cite{dryer-2013-wals}): Order of adverbial subordinator and clause.
- Ch 95 (@cite{dryer-2013-wals}): OV order × adposition type.
- Ch 124--128 (Cristofaro): 'Want' complement subjects, purpose clauses, 'when' clauses, reason clauses, utterance complement clauses.
Mirrors the Linglib/Typology/{Possession,Negation,Comparison,Coordination, Modality,Gender,Alignment,ArgumentStructure,Copulas,Morphology} substrate-
extension pattern. Fragment-importable.
What lives here #
- §1. Noonan complement typology:
NoonanCompType,CTPClass,RealityStatus,ctpRealityStatus,CTPDatum,NoonanCompType.isReduced. - §2. Subordination typology (Ch 94--95):
SubordinatorOrder,OVAdpositionType,ComplementizerPosition,RelativeClausePosition,PurposeClauseStrategy,SubordinationProfile+ helpers. - §3. WALSCount row struct + totalOf.
- §4. Cristofaro complementation typology (Ch 124--128):
BalancedDeranked,WantCompStrategy,ComplementationProfile. - §5. WALS converters
fromWALS{124A,125A,126A,127A,128A}. - §6. WALS aggregate sample-size theorems.
- §7. Corpus-only generalisations: initial subordinator dominance, harmonic-pattern dominance, OV-postpositions strength, utterance-complements-mostly-balanced, purpose-deranked-more-than-utterance.
Theory-laden caveats #
RealityStatusis Noonan's binary realis/irrealis split; finer modal/evidential distinctions live elsewhere.BalancedDerankedis Cristofaro's coarse classification; it conflates the Noonan-style finer typology (indicative/subjunctive/infinitive/...) into three buckets. The Noonan ↔ Cristofaro mapping is non-trivial: balanced ≈ indicative/subjunctive, deranked ≈ infinitive/nominalized/ participle, balancedDeranked = both.ctpRealityStatus's default forphasalis realis (start/stop/continue presuppose the event has happened), but specific lexical items can override.
Out of scope #
- The CTP per-verb data (Sections E-G of the original file:
english_say,latin_dicere, etc.) and Noonan's verified generalizations (G1--G4: realis/irrealis split, equi-deletion restriction, negative raising, indicative hierarchy) live inPhenomena/Complementation/Studies/ Noonan2007.lean. - The 20-language
SubordinationProfilesample, the Q1--Q12 typological generalizations, and areal pattern theorems live inPhenomena/Complementation/Studies/Dryer2013.lean. - The 19-language
ComplementationProfilesample and W/X cross-chapter generalizations live inPhenomena/Complementation/Studies/Cristofaro2013.lean.
The six major complement types attested cross-linguistically. Ordered roughly from most to least "finite" (Noonan's "balanced" to "deranked").
- indicative : NoonanCompType
- subjunctive : NoonanCompType
- paratactic : NoonanCompType
- infinitive : NoonanCompType
- nominalized : NoonanCompType
- participle : NoonanCompType
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- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqNoonanCompType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Is this complement type "reduced" (non-finite)?
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Noonan's twelve CTP classes, organized by semantic contribution.
The ordering follows @cite{noonan-2007} Table 2.1 from most to least "assertive":
- Utterance/propAttitude/pretence: report/judge propositional content
- Commentative/knowledge: evaluate/know propositional content
- Perception: direct experience
- Desiderative/manipulative/modal: irrealis orientation
- Achievement/phasal: aspectual
- Negative: negation as CTP
- utterance : CTPClass
- propAttitude : CTPClass
- pretence : CTPClass
- commentative : CTPClass
- knowledge : CTPClass
- perception : CTPClass
- desiderative : CTPClass
- manipulative : CTPClass
- modal : CTPClass
- achievement : CTPClass
- phasal : CTPClass
- negative : CTPClass
A CTP whose sole semantic content is sentential negation (@cite{noonan-2007} §3.2.13). Typologically rare; canonical examples are Fijian sega and Shuswap negative predicates. English
avoid,refrain,preventare NOT in this class — they are negative achievement predicates (§3.2.10).
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Equations
- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqCTPClass x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The fundamental realis/irrealis split that predicts complement type selection. Realis CTPs tend toward indicative; irrealis toward subjunctive/infinitive (@cite{noonan-2007} §2.3).
- realis : RealityStatus
- irrealis : RealityStatus
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Equations
- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqRealityStatus x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Default reality status of each CTP class (@cite{noonan-2007} Table 2.3).
Equations
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.utterance = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.realis
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.propAttitude = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.realis
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.pretence = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.irrealis
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.commentative = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.realis
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.knowledge = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.realis
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.perception = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.realis
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.desiderative = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.irrealis
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.manipulative = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.irrealis
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.modal = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.irrealis
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.achievement = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.irrealis
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.phasal = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.realis
- Typology.Complementation.ctpRealityStatus Typology.Complementation.CTPClass.negative = Typology.Complementation.RealityStatus.irrealis
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A cross-linguistic datum about a complement-taking predicate.
Each datum records:
- Language and verb identification
- CTP class (Noonan Table 2.1)
- Which complement types this verb allows in this language
- Reality status (defaults to
ctpRealityStatus ctpClass, but overridable for exceptions) - Control/raising properties (@cite{noonan-2007} §2.1--2.2)
- Negative raising
- language : String
- verb : String
- ctpClass : CTPClass
- allowedCompTypes : List NoonanCompType
- realityStatus : RealityStatus
- hasEquiDeletion : Bool
- hasRaising : Bool
- hasNegativeRaising : Bool
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WALS Ch 94: How adverbial subordinators are positioned relative to their clause.
- initialWord : SubordinatorOrder
Subordinator is a free word preceding the clause. E.g., English "because he left", Arabic "li'anna-hu ghaadara".
- finalWord : SubordinatorOrder
Subordinator is a free word following the clause. E.g., Japanese "kare-ga kaetta kara".
- finalSuffix : SubordinatorOrder
Subordinator is a suffix on the verb at the end of the clause. E.g., Turkish "-dIgI icin".
- mixed : SubordinatorOrder
Mixed or no dominant subordination pattern.
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Equations
- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqSubordinatorOrder x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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WALS Ch 95: Four-way classification combining verb-object order with adposition type. The two "harmonic" patterns dominate; the two "disharmonic" patterns are rare.
- voPrep : OVAdpositionType
VO order with prepositions (head-initial harmony).
- ovPostp : OVAdpositionType
OV order with postpositions (head-final harmony).
- voPostp : OVAdpositionType
VO order with postpositions (disharmonic; rare).
- ovPrep : OVAdpositionType
OV order with prepositions (disharmonic; rare).
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Equations
- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqOVAdpositionType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Position of the complementizer (the subordinating morpheme introducing a complement clause, e.g., English "that"). Strongly mirrors the subordinator order from WALS Ch 94.
- initial : ComplementizerPosition
- final : ComplementizerPosition
- none : ComplementizerPosition
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Equations
- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqComplementizerPosition x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Position of the relative clause with respect to the head noun. WALS Ch 90 documents the cross-linguistic distribution.
- postNominal : RelativeClausePosition
- preNominal : RelativeClausePosition
- internallyHeaded : RelativeClausePosition
- correlative : RelativeClausePosition
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Equations
- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqRelativeClausePosition x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Strategy for expressing purpose clauses ("in order to V").
- subjunctive : PurposeClauseStrategy
- infinitive : PurposeClauseStrategy
- nominalization : PurposeClauseStrategy
- serialVerb : PurposeClauseStrategy
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Equations
- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqPurposeClauseStrategy x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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A language's subordination profile combining all five dimensions.
- language : String
- iso : String
- subordinatorOrder : SubordinatorOrder
Ch 94: order of adverbial subordinator and clause.
- ovAdposition : OVAdpositionType
Ch 95: OV order × adposition type.
- compPosition : ComplementizerPosition
Complementizer position (initial, final, or none).
- rcPosition : RelativeClausePosition
Relative clause position.
- purposeStrategy : PurposeClauseStrategy
Purpose clause strategy.
- basicOrder : String
Basic word order label for cross-referencing.
- notes : String
Notes on the subordination system.
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Does this profile have an initial subordinator?
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Does this profile have a final subordinator (word or suffix)?
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Does this profile have VO order?
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Does this profile have OV order?
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Does this profile have pre-nominal RCs?
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Does this profile have post-nominal RCs?
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WALSCount + WALSCount.totalOf are imported from
Linglib/Data/WALS/Aggregation.lean (shared with the other
Typology files that consume WALS distributions).
Cristofaro's balanced/deranked typology for complement clauses (shared across WALS Chapters 125A--128A). "Balanced" means the complement retains main-clause morphology; "deranked" means it uses reduced/non-finite forms; "balancedDeranked" means both strategies exist.
- balanced : BalancedDeranked
- balancedDeranked : BalancedDeranked
- deranked : BalancedDeranked
Instances For
Equations
- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqBalancedDeranked x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Cristofaro's 'want' complement subject typology (WALS Ch 124A). Captures whether desiderative CTPs leave the complement subject implicit or express it overtly -- plus the desiderative affix/particle alternative where 'want' is not a separate verb.
- subjectImplicit : WantCompStrategy
- subjectOvert : WantCompStrategy
- both : WantCompStrategy
- desidAffix : WantCompStrategy
- desidParticle : WantCompStrategy
Instances For
Equations
- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqWantCompStrategy x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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A language's complementation profile across WALS Chapters 124A--128A. Fields are optional because not every language appears in every WALS chapter's sample.
- language : String
- walsCode : String
- wantComp : Option WantCompStrategy
Ch 124A: 'want' complement subject strategy.
- purposeClause : Option BalancedDeranked
Ch 125A: purpose clause type.
- whenClause : Option BalancedDeranked
Ch 126A: 'when' clause type.
- reasonClause : Option BalancedDeranked
Ch 127A: reason clause type.
- utteranceComp : Option BalancedDeranked
Ch 128A: utterance complement clause type.
- notes : String
Notes on the complementation system.
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Map WALS F124A to WantCompStrategy.
Equations
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS124A Data.WALS.F124A.WantComplementSubject.subjectIsLeftImplicit = Typology.Complementation.WantCompStrategy.subjectImplicit
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS124A Data.WALS.F124A.WantComplementSubject.subjectIsExpressedOvertly = Typology.Complementation.WantCompStrategy.subjectOvert
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS124A Data.WALS.F124A.WantComplementSubject.bothConstructionTypesExist = Typology.Complementation.WantCompStrategy.both
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS124A Data.WALS.F124A.WantComplementSubject.desiderativeVerbalAffix = Typology.Complementation.WantCompStrategy.desidAffix
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS124A Data.WALS.F124A.WantComplementSubject.desiderativeParticle = Typology.Complementation.WantCompStrategy.desidParticle
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Map WALS F125A to BalancedDeranked.
Equations
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS125A Data.WALS.F125A.PurposeClauseType.balanced = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.balanced
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS125A Data.WALS.F125A.PurposeClauseType.balancedDeranked = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.balancedDeranked
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS125A Data.WALS.F125A.PurposeClauseType.deranked = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.deranked
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Map WALS F126A to BalancedDeranked.
Equations
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS126A Data.WALS.F126A.WhenClauseType.balanced = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.balanced
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS126A Data.WALS.F126A.WhenClauseType.balancedDeranked = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.balancedDeranked
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS126A Data.WALS.F126A.WhenClauseType.deranked = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.deranked
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Map WALS F127A to BalancedDeranked.
Equations
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS127A Data.WALS.F127A.ReasonClauseType.balanced = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.balanced
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS127A Data.WALS.F127A.ReasonClauseType.balancedDeranked = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.balancedDeranked
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS127A Data.WALS.F127A.ReasonClauseType.deranked = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.deranked
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Map WALS F128A to BalancedDeranked.
Equations
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS128A Data.WALS.F128A.UtteranceComplementType.balanced = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.balanced
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS128A Data.WALS.F128A.UtteranceComplementType.balancedDeranked = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.balancedDeranked
- Typology.Complementation.fromWALS128A Data.WALS.F128A.UtteranceComplementType.deranked = Typology.Complementation.BalancedDeranked.deranked
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Ch 94: initial subordinator words are by far the most common type.
Ch 94: initial subordinator words outnumber final words plus suffixes combined.
Ch 94: initial subordinator words account for over 60% of the sample.
Ch 95: harmonic patterns (VO+Prep, OV+Postp) account for over 80% of sampled languages. The OV-postposition correlation is one of the strongest in typology.
Ch 95: OV+Postpositions is the single most common pairing.
Ch 95: disharmonic patterns are rare (under 6% of the sample).
Ch 128: utterance complements are overwhelmingly balanced; "say/tell" complements tend to retain main-clause morphology cross-linguistically.
Cross-chapter: purpose clauses (Ch 125) favor deranking more than utterance complements (Ch 128). Reflects the irrealis orientation of purpose clauses.
Theory-neutral surface enum #
Following the cross-framework reconciler discipline, ComplementClauseStructure
describes the surface pattern a notional complement clause realises, without
committing to one framework's internal analysis. Each Theory projects its native
account into this enum: HPSG always projects headExternalModifier for true
RCs; Minimalist (with @cite{deal-2026}) projects abarInternalCP for Nez Perce
relative-embeddings (REs) and barePropositionalCP for English that-clauses.
Surface-pattern enumeration of notional-complement-clause shapes attested cross-linguistically.
@cite{deal-2026}'s typology dissolves the Kayne/Arsenij'evi'c (@cite{kayne-2008}, @cite{kayne-2014}, @cite{arsenijevic-2009}) universalist claim that all clausal complementation is relativization. The surface options are independent of any one framework's commitments about underlying structure.
The Kayne/Arsenij'evi'c universalist hypothesis is now a single decidable
statement: ∀ c : ComplementClauseStructure, c = .abarInternalCP. Deal 2026
refutes it by exhibiting .barePropositionalCP as an attested cell
(Nez Perce simplex embeddings and English think-complementation).
- abarInternalCP : ComplementClauseStructure
CP with internal Ā-dependency from a high functional projection above TP. Nez Perce REs (@cite{deal-2026}), Adyghe REs (@cite{caponigro-polinsky-2011}), Bulgarian REs (@cite{krapova-2010}).
- barePropositionalCP : ComplementClauseStructure
Bare CP with no internal Ā-dependency. Nez Perce simplex embeddings and English think-complementation (@cite{deal-2026}).
- nominalization : ComplementClauseStructure
CP wrapped in a nominal projection (D, possibly with N). Washo factive complementation (@cite{hanink-bochnak-2017}, @cite{bochnak-hanink-2021}), Ndebele (@cite{pietraszko-2019}, with additional P shell).
- headExternalModifier : ComplementClauseStructure
True relative clause: an adjunct modifier of a head noun. The pattern that Kayne/Arsenij'evi'c claim subsumes all others.
- headInternalRelative : ComplementClauseStructure
Internally-headed relative clause (Bambara, Navajo).
- adjunct : ComplementClauseStructure
High adjunct, not complementation at all. Amahuaca attitude reports (@cite{deal-2026} §3, citing Clem 2022 — needs separate bib entry).
Instances For
Equations
- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqComplementClauseStructure x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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CP-external wrapping shells #
Where ComplementSize and ClauseSpine (Theories/Syntax/Minimalist/) record
internal clause height (vP/TP/CP/NmlzP), CPShell records what wraps the CP
externally. Deal 2026's Table 79 cross-classifies the two axes; this file
houses the external axis as Fragment-importable substrate.
Anchored to @cite{deal-2026} Table 79; placement of individual languages in
Table 79 cells consumes per-language Fragment data and lives in
Phenomena/Complementation/Studies/Deal2026.lean.
A wrapping head category that may appear above a CP in a notional complement.
@cite{deal-2026} Table 79 attests three: D (Washo, Adyghe), N (Adyghe),
P (Bulgarian, Ndebele). C is included as the base case to give a uniform
representation of bareCP as [.C].
- c : CPShell
The CP itself (always present).
- d : CPShell
D shell (determiner wrapping CP).
- n : CPShell
N shell (nominal head between D and CP).
- p : CPShell
P shell (preposition wrapping the CP-headed argument).
Instances For
Equations
- Typology.Complementation.instDecidableEqCPShell x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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An ordered shell list, innermost first.
Convention: head element is the C of the CP itself; subsequent elements
are progressively more peripheral wrappers. So [.c, .d] = dCP (D wraps
CP), [.c, .n, .d] = dnCP (D wraps N wraps CP), [.c, .d, .p] = pdCP
(P wraps D wraps CP).
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Predicate: this shell inventory is attested in @cite{deal-2026} Table 79.
Six attested shapes (one per cell), four shell-shapes:
[.c]=bareCP(V CP row)[.c, .d]=dCP(V D CP — Washo per @cite{bochnak-hanink-2021})[.c, .n, .d]=dnCP(V D N CP row — Adyghe)[.c, .d, .p]=pdCP(V P D CP row — Bulgarian, Ndebele)
Equations
- Typology.Complementation.isAttestedShell [Typology.Complementation.CPShell.c] = true
- Typology.Complementation.isAttestedShell [Typology.Complementation.CPShell.c, Typology.Complementation.CPShell.d] = true
- Typology.Complementation.isAttestedShell [Typology.Complementation.CPShell.c, Typology.Complementation.CPShell.n, Typology.Complementation.CPShell.d] = true
- Typology.Complementation.isAttestedShell [Typology.Complementation.CPShell.c, Typology.Complementation.CPShell.d, Typology.Complementation.CPShell.p] = true
- Typology.Complementation.isAttestedShell x✝ = false
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The bare-CP cell (Nez Perce REs and simplex; English think).
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The V D CP cell (Washo per @cite{bochnak-hanink-2021}).
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The V D N CP cell (Adyghe REs per @cite{caponigro-polinsky-2011}).
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The V P D CP cell (Bulgarian REs per @cite{krapova-2010}; Ndebele per @cite{pietraszko-2019}).
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Concrete facts on the named witnesses #
The full implicational generalisations ("every attested inventory containing P
also contains D") are folklore from inspection of the four named cells. We
prove the consumed facts directly on the named shells; the universal claim is
tracked in @cite{deal-2026} Table 79 commentary, not as a Lean theorem
(general List.Mem reasoning over CPShellInventory would be substantial
boilerplate without proportionate payoff).
The four named witnesses are all attested (Deal 2026 Table 79).
An unattested example: V P CP (P with no D shell) — @cite{deal-2026}
Table 79 has no such cell.
Another unattested example: V N CP (N with no D shell).