Charlow (2020): the scope of alternatives #
Charlow takes an indefinite to denote a set of individuals and lets it take scope through two
type-shifters: η forms a singleton, and ≫= feeds the members of a set one by one to a scope
and unions the results. They are the unit and bind of the set monad. Because bind is associative,
an indefinite that takes scope at the edge of an island turns the island into a set of
alternatives, and the island can then take scope in its turn, which gives exceptional scope
without movement out of the island. Higher-order alternative sets let two indefinites on one
island take scope independently, and once assignments are added to the monad, an indefinite whose
restrictor holds a bound pronoun cannot outscope the pronoun's binder.
Main definitions #
closureCond,det,distr: the conditional (31), the determiners (65) and (84), and the distributivity operator (41), each closing off the alternatives of its scope.lawyerOuter,relativeOuter: the two higher-order islands of Figure 10.Si.pro,Si.beta,Si.det: pronouns (58),β-binding (61) and determiners overReaderT (Assignment E) Set.Si.a,Si.that: the indefinite determiner (83) and the relative pronoun (87).Si.abstractChoice: abstraction by a choice function in alternative semantics (74).
Main results #
some_pure,bind_pure_left,plusWh_some: the extended Partee triangle of Figure 4 commutes.exceptional_scope,exceptional_ne_narrow: (33), and the exceptional reading of (1) is not the narrow one.every_island: pied-piping a universal's island gives nothing new (2).intermediate_scope,two_island: intermediate exceptional scope (3), and the distributive scope of a plural indefinite stays in its island (39).relative_wide,lawyer_wide,seminar_paper: selective exceptional scope, (43), (47), (49).lawyer_wide_not_pointwise: no function of the point-wise island meaning gives the lawyer-wide reading of (43).Si.expert_wide_bound: exceptional scope beside a bound pronoun (51).Si.paper_wide,Si.paper_narrow,Si.not_dependsOn_paper_wide: the Binder Roof Constraint of (53), Figure 14.Si.cf_reading_iff,Si.cf_reading_not_imp_bound: the choice-function reading (69) and its over-generation.Si.a_paper_that_she_wrote: the determiners of Appendix A derive (66).Si.nobody_met_iff: abstraction by a choice function over-generates (77).
Implementation notes #
η,≫=and flattening arepure,>>=andjoinMof mathlib'sSet.monad, and the closure⇓(19) issSuponSet Prop. Truth values areProp, as in the paper's main text.- The paper's conditional
if : t → t → tis a parametercond; the witnesses that separate readings use the material conditional. Pluralities areFinsets of atoms. - A derivation is a term in the monad, and which constituent takes scope where is not represented, so a reading the paper rules out is shown to differ from the derived ones.
Si.cf_reading_iffassumes that no two candidates wrote the same papers, which the paper's gloss of (69) needs and leaves implicit.- Figure 9 prints
die Xfordie x.
TODO #
- (46), and point-wise composition with a closure inside the island (45) on (46) and (47).
- (79)–(82), (88), and Appendix B.
References #
The closure ⇓ (19), T ∈ m, is the supremum of a set of truth values.
The extended Partee triangle (Figure 4) #
plusWh Q is the +wh shifter (25), which turns a generalized quantifier into a scope-taker
over sets.
Equations
- Charlow2020.plusWh Q f = {y : β | Q fun (x : α) => y ∈ f x}
Instances For
Partee's A, existential closure over a set, sends a singleton to the Montague lift,
A ∘ η = LIFT (24).
Binding a singleton is the Montague lift at result type Set β, (≫=) ∘ η = LIFT (28).
Applying +wh to Partee's A gives bind, +wh ∘ A = (≫=) (29).
Applying +wh to the Montague lift gives the lift at result type Set β, the last face of
Figure 4.
Exceptional scope #
closureCond cond m n is the conditional (31), {if m⇓ n⇓}, which closes off the
alternatives of both arguments.
Equations
- Charlow2020.closureCond cond m n = pure (cond (sSup m) (sSup n))
Instances For
det D P f is the determiner D over P closing off the alternatives of its scope f, as
in (65) and (84) without assignments.
Equations
- Charlow2020.det D P f = pure (D (fun (x : E) => x ∈ P) fun (x : E) => sSup (f x))
Instances For
Taking scope over its island, which then takes scope over the conditional, gives the
indefinite exceptional scope, {if (dies x) house | rel x} (33), as in Examples.ex1.
Pied-piping the island is scoping the indefinite out of it directly (Figure 7).
Closing the island off in the antecedent gives the narrow reading if ≫ ∃ (13).
A universal closes its island off to a singleton, so pied-piping the island gives the narrow
reading again (2), as in Examples.ex2.
The island of (3) can scope over three arguments showing that and stop below each
student, as in Examples.ex3.
The island of (3) can also scope over each student.
The intermediate and widest readings of (3) differ.
The exceptional and narrow readings of (1) differ.
Plural indefinites #
two P is the set of pluralities of two atoms of P, as two.rels (40).
Equations
- Charlow2020.two P = {X : Finset A | X.card = 2 ∧ ∀ x ∈ X, x ∈ P}
Instances For
distr f is the distributivity operator ∆ (41), which requires every atom of a plurality
to satisfy the closed scope f.
Equations
- Charlow2020.distr f X = pure (∀ x ∈ X, sSup (f x))
Instances For
With ∆, two linguists wrote something gets its distributive reading (Figure 9, left).
In if two relatives of mine die the plural's existential scope leaves the island while ∆
stays inside it (Figure 9, right), as in Examples.ex39.
The reading of (39) with ∆ above the conditional, which would need the plural to scope out
of the island, differs from the derived one.
Selectivity #
lawyerOuter is the higher-order island {{visits y x | rel y} | lawyer x} of Figure 10,
left, with the lawyer in the outer layer.
Equations
- Charlow2020.lawyerOuter lawyer rel visits = do let x ← lawyer pure do let y ← rel pure (visits y x)
Instances For
relativeOuter is the higher-order island {{visits y x | lawyer x} | rel y} of Figure 10,
right, with the relative in the outer layer.
Equations
- Charlow2020.relativeOuter lawyer rel visits = do let y ← rel pure do let x ← lawyer pure (visits y x)
Instances For
Pied-piping the flat island scopes both indefinites over the conditional (44).
Pied-piping the island of Figure 10, right, scopes the relative above the conditional and reconstructs the lawyer below it, (49) and Figure 11.
Pied-piping the island of Figure 10, left, scopes the lawyer above the conditional and reconstructs the relative below it (section 5.3).
Flattening a higher-order island gives the point-wise island (11) and forgets the layers.
Flattening the other higher-order island gives the same point-wise island.
In (47) the seminar scopes above every grad and the paper reconstructs between every grad
and the conditional, as in Examples.ex47.
The two selective readings of (43) differ, as in Examples.ex43.
No function of the point-wise island meaning gives the lawyer-wide reading of (43), since two visiting relations with the same point-wise island differ on it (section 5.4).
Assignments #
The monad of (54)–(56) is ReaderT (Assignment E) Set, whose membership lemmas come from the
Reader.Set monad of Charlow2014.
pro n is the pronoun she_n (58), the singleton of the value of index n.
Equations
- Charlow2020.Si.pro n g = {HeimKratzer.interpPronoun n g}
Instances For
beta n f x is the binder βⁿ (61), which evaluates the scope f x with index n anchored
to x.
Equations
- Charlow2020.Si.beta n f x = withReader (fun (x_1 : ℕ → E) => Function.update x_1 n x) (f x)
Instances For
det D P f is the determiner D over P closing off its scope f at each assignment, as
everybody (65) and the no candidate of Figure 14 do.
Equations
- Charlow2020.Si.det D P f g = pure (D (fun (x : E) => x ∈ P) fun (y : E) => sSup (f y g))
Instances For
A linguist cited her₀ leaves the pronoun free, (59) and Figure 12, left.
In a linguist β⁰ cited herself₀ the pronoun is bound, and the meaning is the same at every assignment (Figure 12, right).
expertCites is the higher-order island a famous expert on indefinites cites her₀ of
Figure 13, left, with the indefinite in the outer layer and the pronoun in the inner.
Equations
- Charlow2020.Si.expertCites exp cites = do let x ← monadLift exp pure do let y ← Charlow2020.Si.pro 0 pure (cites y x)
Instances For
Pied-piping the island over everybody while its inner layer reconstructs under β⁰ gives
the indefinite scope over everybody and binds the pronoun, (51) and Figure 13, right, as in
Examples.ex51.
The Binder Roof Constraint #
paperBy paper wrote is a paper he₀ had written (66), the papers written by the value of
index 0.
Equations
- Charlow2020.Si.paperBy paper wrote g = {x : E | x ∈ paper ∧ wrote x (g 0)}
Instances For
Scoped over no candidate, the indefinite leaves its pronoun free (Figure 14).
Below the indefinite, β⁰ does nothing (Figure 14).
The wide reading reads the pronoun's index.
Below β⁰ the indefinite has its pronoun bound, and the reading is the same at every
assignment, as in Examples.ex53.
The narrow reading depends on no index.
The wide reading does depend on the pronoun, so it is not the bound reading.
With a choice function (67), the reading (69) of (53) holds exactly when no candidate submitted every paper she wrote, given that every candidate wrote a paper and no two wrote the same ones.
The reading (69) over-generates, since it does not entail the bound reading of (53), which fails when the one candidate wrote two papers and submitted one.
Building the indefinite (Appendix A) #
a f is the indefinite determiner (83), the set of individuals whose restrictor f holds.
Equations
- Charlow2020.Si.a f g = {x : E | sSup (f x g)}
Instances For
that r l is the relative pronoun (87), which conjoins two assignment-relative sets of
propositions.
Equations
- Charlow2020.Si.that r l g = Set.image2 (fun (x1 x2 : Prop) => x1 ∧ x2) (l g) (r g)
Instances For
The determiner scoping over its noun gives the set-denoting indefinite (85).
A paper (that) she₀ had written, with β¹ binding the gap, is (66) (Figure 15, right).
Binding in alternative semantics #
abstractChoice n m is abstraction over index n in alternative semantics (74), in which a
choice function flattens the alternatives of m at each value of the index.
Equations
- Charlow2020.Si.abstractChoice n m g = Set.range fun (f : Reference.ChoiceFunction Prop) (x : E) => f fun (x_1 : Prop) => x_1 ∈ m (Function.update g n x)
Instances For
Composed point-wise with the abstraction (74), nobody [λ₀ t₀ met a phonologist] has a true
alternative exactly when nobody met every phonologist (77).