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Ten Men and Women Got Married Today: Noun Coordination and the Intersective Theory of Conjunction

Champollion, L. (2016). Journal of Semantics, 33(3), 561–622

This file derives the collective readings of noun coordination from the intersective and, on the paper's logical forms. A raised noun is a quantifier over pluralities, and Minimization keeps its minimal witness sets, which for the meet of two raised nouns are the minimal elements of the set product of their generators, the collective and of Heycock and Zamparelli. With Choice Closure above Minimization, a doctor and lawyer met holds of any doctor–lawyer pair and ten men and women got married of ten-person man–woman mixtures; above no it gives a reading the constraint on its scope excludes. Or is never collective, every gives and and or one reading, and the collective entry overgenerates on conjuncts that are not upward entailing.

Implementation notes

  • A plurality is a Set E and a property of pluralities a Quantifier E. Existential Raising is a (Quantifier.Det.some) at the type of its argument, Minimization is Minimal, Choice Raising the Montague lift Quantifier.individual of the chosen member, Distributive Choice Raising every on the chosen plurality, and Predicate Distributivity 𝒫 S \ {βˆ…}.
  • The logical forms are trees interpreted by the composition engine under a typing of the indices. A, no, every, and and or each have one entry, typed by a parameter, and Choice Closure one for each of the two types at which the paper uses (48), over choice functions on the type it binds. Their totality turns the definedness condition N β‰  βˆ… of Choice Raising into a hypothesis.
  • Heycock and Zamparelli's common nouns denote sets of singletons. Their counterexamples are stated for the individuals those singletons contain, which the singleton map carries over since it preserves unions.

Errata

  • (83c) and the prose after it swap the Americans and Russians of (82a) and (83b).
  • (99a) prints MIN(ER(cat)) or MIN(ER(dog)) for the MIN(ER(cat) or ER(dog)) of its prose and (99b). The two logical forms agree, so the slip is harmless.
  • (95b) and (96b) are equivalent only when both nouns are nonempty: without dogs, (95b) holds vacuously while (96b) still requires every cat to be licensed.

TODO

The split scope of indefinite numerals and Winter's pair semantics are not formalized.

References

Declarations

Raised nouns and Minimization

L83–92

Plurals

L154–164

Or and Determiner Fitting

L207–211

Logical forms

The composition engine interprets the paper's logical forms, written in labelled brackets, and the theorems below give the truth conditions of each.

L266–275
L281–311

Ten men and women got married today (81) holds when ten people, at least one man and one woman and nobody else, got married together.

theorem holds_lf81L493–505
{E : Type} {N N' V : Set E} {R S : Set (Set E)} (g : (n : β„•) β†’ Montague.Ty.Domain E Unit (indexTy n)) (hN : N.Nonempty) (hN' : N'.Nonempty) :
PhraseStructure.Tree.HoldsAtWith indexTy (lex N N' V R S) g lf81 ↔ βˆƒ P ∈ S, P.ncard = 10 ∧ P βŠ† N βˆͺ N' ∧ (P ∩ N).Nonempty ∧ (P ∩ N').Nonempty

Built from , ,

Every cat and dog is licensed (95) and every cat or dog is licensed (96) agree, the universal half of Bergmann's puzzle.

theorem holds_lf95_iff_holds_lf96L545–549
{E : Type} {N N' V : Set E} {R S : Set (Set E)} (g : (n : β„•) β†’ Montague.Ty.Domain E Unit (indexTy n)) (h : Disjoint N N') (hN : N.Nonempty) (hN' : N'.Nonempty) :

Built from , , ,

The collective theory

L591–592
L595–599
L636–649