Charlow 2014: on the semantics of exceptional scope #
Charlow treats exceptional scope as side effects taking scope after evaluation. Dekker's
stack-based dynamic semantics becomes a monad, StateT (Stack E) Set, output stacks of discourse
referents plus nondeterminism, the monad transformer of Liang, Hudak and Jones over Set, and
scope-taking becomes the continuation transformer over it, as in Wadler, with Lift identified
with monadLift and Lower with ContT.eval. A scope island is a constituent that must be
evaluated: Danvy and Filinski's ContT.reset discharges quantifiers but leaves nondeterministic
and state-changing effects intact, so indefinites, disjunctions (after Rooth and Partee), the
drefs of proper names and the maximal drefs of dynamic quantifiers all scope out of islands and
feed binding, obeying Brasoveanu and Farkas's Binder Roof Constraint, while every and no do
not escape. The paper's examples are rows in Data/Examples/Charlow2014.json, cited from the
theorems deriving them.
The grammar is Shan's monadic application: combine sequences its daughters left to right in
any monad, and its per-monad unfoldings are the thesis's application rules, functional,
state-sensitive, nondeterministic (Kratzer and Shimoyama's rule), and their combinations. The
Identity, Reader, Set, Reader.Set, State and State.Set monads are Lean's Id, ReaderT, Set,
ReaderT _ Set, StateT _ Id and StateT _ Set; the Focus monad, Shan's pointed powerset for
Rooth's alternatives, is the library's WithAlternatives. Continuation results are
Prop-valued, so "some output is true" is holds. The stack is List E.
Main definitions #
combine: monadic application, the thesis's overloaded rule of useStack,StateSet,indef,pro,dref,holds,neg,cond,det,every,no: the State.Set fragmentTower,liftValue,bindShift,everyDP,noDP,eval₂: scope-takers over itdistr,or,dynGQ: distributivity, program disjunction, dynamic generalized quantifiersFocus.fmark,Focus.only,Focus.also: F-marking and the focus particles overWithAlternatives, only and the additive ofFocus.Particleson the identity scaleReaderSetand its fragment: the Reader.Set variant
Main results #
combine_bind: Rebracket: side effects propagate in linear order whatever the bracketingdref_bind,bind_pro: dref introduction and binding in State.Setneg_dref_indef,neg_pro,cond_dref_indef,every_dref_indef: negation and the operators built on it discharge nondeterminism and drefs but not pronounseval_combine_monadLift: scopal application subsumes monadic applicationreset_combine_monadLift: side effects survive evaluation, in any monadreset_every,reset_indef_every,reset_every_indef,reset_every_pro: what survives evaluation: indefinites and pronouns, not quantifiers, and not an indefinite an inverse-scoped quantifier dischargedexceptional_neg,exceptional_cond,exceptional_feeds_binding,brc_derivation— exceptional scope over negation and conditionals, feeding anaphora, and the Binder Roof ConstraintmonadLift_layered,indef_visits_indef_layered: selective exceptional scope via layeringor_over_every,or_or_names: disjunction over a universal whose indefinites stay under it, and higher-order disjunctive programsname_dref_inverse,dynGQ_neg: name drefs and maximal drefs escape islandsFocus.only_iff,Focus.also_iff: the particles are those of Def. 5.10Focus.only_focus_layered,Focus.also_only_focus_layered: selective association with focusisland_cond_every: a universal does not scope out of a Reset antecedentReaderSet.no_exceptional_binding,ReaderSet.run_monadLift: Reader.Set continuations see the input stack only, so the variant hosts exceptional scope but not exceptional bindingcf_exceptional_cond,cf_no_candidate_iff,cf_same_restrictor_iff,cf_layered_iff,cf_disjunction_iff: the choice-functional rival (section 4.7.1) matches exceptional scope but closes choice functions over bound-into restrictors into unattested readings
Implementation notes #
- A pronoun on the empty stack has no value in the thesis; here
prohas no output there, so failure is the empty set. A negation over an unbound pronoun is then true where the thesis leaves it undefined, and the thesis's Facts 3.3 and 4.7 (neg_pro,reset_every_pro) carry a nonempty-stack hypothesis. - The thesis excludes the empty set from the pluralities and treats an empty reference set as a
presupposition failure;
Set Aadmits it, anddynGQpushes it as a dref. Quantifiers range over atomsAwhile the stack holds pluralitiesSet A, where the thesis identifies an atom with its singleton. combineparameterizes the thesis's overloaded application by the value-level mode of combination; it isf <$> m <*> n(combine_eq_seq).- The un-indexed pronoun retrieving the last dref is the thesis's own simplification, "an extremely crude measure of topicality".
- The choice-function theorems assume that distinct values of the bound variable give distinct restrictors, which the thesis states for (4.37) and leaves implicit for (4.35) and (4.38).
TODO #
- Relative-clause islands (
Examples.ex4_2a), the second Binder Roof datum with layered DPs (Examples.ex4_6), donkey disjunction (Examples.ex4_25b), the restrictor drefs of dynamic generalized quantifiers (Examples.ex5_22), and selective association with focus across islands. - Determiners composed as tripartite towers need an indexed continuation transformer, and the cross-categorial drefs of sloppy readings need a polymorphic Bind and pronoun over an untyped stack.
- The thesis's grammar enforces evaluation at islands (a scope island is the sister of
fin); hereContT.resetis inserted by hand. - The comparison with Independence-Friendly Logic (section 4.7.2).
References #
Monadic application and Rebracket #
combine f m n is monadic application over a value-level combination f, which runs m,
then n, and combines the values. Forward application is combine (· ·) and backward
combine (fun x f ↦ f x), the thesis's overloaded A.
Equations
- Charlow2014.combine f m n = do let x ← m let y ← n pure (f x y)
Instances For
Sequencing a combined node is sequencing its daughters in linear order, whatever the bracketing, which is Rebracket.
Truth values as propositions #
The monads of Chapter 2 #
Application in each monad (Facts 2.2–2.5, 2.8, 2.11): functional application,
state-sensitive (SSA), nondeterministic (NA), state-sensitive
nondeterministic (SSNA, the rule of [KS17]), stateful, and
stateful nondeterministic application.
Stacks and the State.Set monad #
Discourse referents live on a stack; pronouns retrieve the most recent one
(List.getLast?). A sentence denotes a StateSet E Prop: from an input stack
to a set of value–output-stack pairs.
The reference stack lists drefs in order of introduction.
Equations
- Charlow2014.Stack E = List E
Instances For
The State.Set monad is StateT over the Set monad.
Equations
- Charlow2014.StateSet E = StateT (Charlow2014.Stack E) Set
Instances For
indef P is an indefinite, a nondeterministic individual satisfying P, with the stack
unchanged.
Equations
- Charlow2014.indef P s = {q : E × Charlow2014.Stack E | P q.1 ∧ q.2 = s}
Instances For
pro is a pronoun, the topical (most recent) dref, with the stack unchanged.
Equations
- Charlow2014.pro s = {q : E × Charlow2014.Stack E | List.getLast? s = some q.1 ∧ q.2 = s}
Instances For
dref m introduces a dref, running m and pushing its value onto the stack.
Equations
- Charlow2014.dref m = do let a ← m fun (s : Charlow2014.Stack E) => {(a, s ++ [a])}
Instances For
A dynamic proposition holds at s when some output carries a true value.
Equations
- Charlow2014.holds m s = ∃ q ∈ m s, q.1
Instances For
neg m is dynamic negation, a test on the input stack that returns it unchanged.
Equations
- Charlow2014.neg m s = {(¬Charlow2014.holds m s, s)}
Instances For
The conditional, from negation via p → q ↔ ¬(p ∧ ¬q).
Equations
- Charlow2014.cond m n = Charlow2014.neg do let p ← m let q ← Charlow2014.neg n pure (p ∧ q)
Instances For
det c is the indefinite determiner, the individuals whose restrictor holds, with the
restrictor's output stacks.
Equations
- Charlow2014.det c s = {q : E × Charlow2014.Stack E | ∃ (p : Prop), (p, q.2) ∈ c q.1 s ∧ p}
Instances For
every c k is the universal, a scope-taker over dynamic properties defined by
∀x. P x ⇒ Q x ↔ ¬∃x. P x ∧ ¬Q x.
Equations
- Charlow2014.every c k = Charlow2014.neg do let x ← Charlow2014.det c Charlow2014.neg (k x)
Instances For
no c k is every without the inner negation.
Equations
- Charlow2014.no c k = Charlow2014.neg (Charlow2014.det c >>= k)
Instances For
A man met Polly leaves a nondeterministic man on the output stack.
A man left; he was tired — cross-sentential binding with static conjunction.
Dynamically closed operators #
In if someone walked, she ran the antecedent's indefinite binds into the consequent, and the conditional is closed (Fact 3.4).
In every linguist rubbed her head the pronoun is bound in scope by the dref of the quantified-over individual, which is then discarded (Fact 3.6).
Continuations over the State.Set monad #
A tower ContT β (StateSet E) α returns an α in a computation of type
StateSet E β. monadLift is monadic Lift (m ↑ = (m >>= ·)), ContT.eval
Lower (application to pure), scopal application is combine in ContT.
A tower is a scope-taker over State.Set programs.
Equations
- Charlow2014.Tower E β α = ContT β (Charlow2014.StateSet E) α
Instances For
Lift into the continuation monad over Id is the Montague lift.
In a static reading of Polly saw every linguist a generalized quantifier in object position composes by scopal application and Lower discharges it.
Scopal application subsumes monadic application, since lifting, combining and lowering is combining in the underlying monad (Fact 3.14).
Evaluating a combination of lifted programs and lifting the result is lifting their combination, so the side effects of the underlying monad, whichever it is, survive evaluation (Fact 4.1).
liftValue a coerces a value into a trivial program and lifts it (Def. 2.9 with Lift), so
(liftValue a).run k = k a, the Montague lift again (3.20).
Equations
- Charlow2014.liftValue a = monadLift (pure a)
Instances For
Universal DPs as scope-takers (Table 3.1).
Equations
- Charlow2014.everyDP P = Charlow2014.every fun (x : E) => pure (P x)
Instances For
Negative DPs as scope-takers (Table 3.1).
Equations
- Charlow2014.noDP P = Charlow2014.no fun (x : E) => pure (P x)
Instances For
In John saw a linguist the indefinite's nondeterminism survives Lower (3.23).
In the surface-scope reading of a man saw every linguist the universal is trapped in the indefinite's scope (3.24).
Bind #
bindShift m is the Bind type-shifter (Def. 3.16), which pushes the tower's value onto the
stack before continuing.
Equations
- Charlow2014.bindShift m k = ContT.run m fun (a : E) (s : Charlow2014.Stack E) => k a (s ++ [a])
Instances For
A Bind-shifted lifted indefinite feeds its scope each satisfier with the extended stack, the DyS correspondence for indefinites (Fact 3.17).
John rubbed his head is bound without coindexation (3.25).
John's mom saw him is bound without surface c-command (3.26).
Inverse scope #
External Lift of a tower is pure one level up (Fact 3.19), internal Lift is
Functor.map pure (Def. 3.17), three-level combination is combine over
combine (Def. 3.18), and one-fell-swoop Lower runs the outer tower at
ContT.eval.
In the inverse-scope reading of a man saw every linguist the universal discharges the indefinite's nondeterminism and dref (3.28).
Scope islands and exceptional scope #
A scope island is a constituent that must be evaluated (Def. 4.2); evaluating
and re-lifting is ContT.reset, and ContT.reset_monadLift is Fact 4.1: Reset
is invisible to a lifted program, so whatever survives evaluation keeps taking
scope. A tower whose value is itself a program is finished by lifting the value
and lowering in one fell swoop, ContT.eval (m >>= monadLift).
Resetting a linguist left changes nothing, so indefinites escape islands (Fact 4.2,
Examples.ex4_1a).
Resetting every linguist left discharges the universal into a truth condition on the
bottom level, so quantifiers do not escape (Fact 4.4, Examples.ex4_1b, Examples.ex4_1c).
Resetting a man met every linguist keeps the indefinite's nondeterminism and dref but not the universal (Fact 4.5).
Resetting the inverse-scope reading cannot reanimate an indefinite that an inverse-scoped universal discharged (Fact 4.6).
In a man met every linguist, and he left both sentences are Reset and the indefinite binds across them (4.7).
After Reset the embedded indefinite's nondeterminism outscopes it wasn't the case that,
exceptional scope over negation (4.8).
If a relative of mine dies, I'll be rich gets ∃ > if from a Reset antecedent (4.9,
Examples.ex4_1a). The thesis notes that the truth conditions are a little too weak, one
relative who does not die verifying the conditional.
In if every relative of mine dies, I'll be rich the universal is discharged inside the Reset
antecedent, so the conditional is a plain truth condition with the universal below if, and no
reading puts it above (Examples.ex4_1b).
Exceptional scope feeds binding, since the dref of a relative of mine escapes the conditional and binds she (4.11).
Giving a paper he wrote scope over no candidate evaluates the pronoun outside the
quantifier's scope, the Binder Roof Constraint (4.12, Examples.ex4_4).
Choice functions (section 4.7.1) #
The choice-functional theory interprets an indefinite as a choice function applied to its restrictor and closes the function existentially wherever it likes, so the indefinite takes apparent scope without moving. When the restrictor varies with a bound variable, closing the function above the binder yields readings that no scope-taking derivation gives.
Closing the choice function above the conditional gives the exceptional reading that
exceptional_cond derives by scope (4.34).
Closing the choice function above no candidate gives the reading on which no candidate
submitted every paper he wrote ([Sch01]), given that every candidate wrote a paper and no
two wrote the same papers (4.35, Examples.ex4_4).
When every girl fancies the same boys B, a choice function closed above every girl picks
one boy for all of them, the reading [Geu00] objects to (4.36).
Closing the choice function of a book by … above negation and that of a famous linguist
below it gives the reading that every famous linguist wrote a book I did not read, given that no
two famous linguists wrote the same books (4.37, Examples.ex4_6).
A choice function closed above no candidate over the doubleton of each candidate's vita and portfolio gives the reading that no candidate submitted both, given that the doubletons are distinct (4.38).
Selective exceptional scope #
Two indefinites on one island yield three fully evaluated programs: one
StateSet E Prop with the nondeterminism agglomerated, and two
StateSet E (StateSet E Prop) layerings. A layered program unfolds back into a
three-level tower after evaluation, so the indefinites scope separately.
A persuasive lawyer visits a relative of mine, agglomerated.
A persuasive lawyer visits a relative of mine, layered with the object
indefinite outermost (section 4.5.2), the structure behind Examples.ex4_18b.
Lifting a layered program twice restores the three-level tower.
Plural indefinites and distributivity #
Plural individuals are sets of atoms (Def. 4.3), atoms identified with singletons. Plural indefinites are nondeterministic like singular ones, so their existential scope escapes islands, while the distributivity operator is a scope-taker discharged on evaluation.
distr R X is the distributivity operator (Def. 4.5), a tower quantifying over the atoms of
its plural argument.
Equations
- Charlow2014.distr R X k s = {(∀ x ∈ X, Charlow2014.holds (k (R {x})) s, s)}
Instances For
In the distributive inverse-scope reading of a guard is standing in front of two buildings guards vary with buildings, and the plural's nondeterminism outscopes the distributed universal (4.17).
Disjunction #
Program disjunction is <|> in StateT _ Set (Def. 4.6, the union of outputs);
or disjoins two scope-takers' results (Def. 4.7). Disjunctions are therefore
nondeterministic programs that survive Reset, bind donkey pronouns, and, being
polymorphic, scope over an operator that scopes over their disjuncts.
Disjunction of scope-takers (Def. 4.7).
Equations
- Charlow2014.or m n k = (ContT.run m k <|> ContT.run n k)
Instances For
Chomsky or May left introduces a dref in nondeterministic superposition (4.27).
In whenever I see Alf or hear Cal, I scream his name the antecedent is a proper subpart of each disjunct, and the disjunctive program still hosts the dref (4.28).
Disjoining externally lifted indefinites puts program disjunction above the continuation and the indefinites below it, disjunction under the Binder Roof Constraint (4.29).
In either everyone ate a steak or a hamburger, with everyone externally lifted beside the
disjunction of (4.29), the universal outscopes each indefinite and not the disjunction's
nondeterminism, which lives on the top level (Examples.ex4_24b).
In someone ate every steak or every burger disjoining internally lifted universals puts their scopal effects, with the disjunction, on the top level (4.30).
In the higher-order disjunctive program Mary or John or Bill (4.31) the disjunction of Mary
and John is lifted and disjoined with Bill, and lowering twice leaves the layering
{{m, j}, b}.
Drefs of proper names take exceptional scope #
Anything Bind-shifted survives evaluation (Fact 1.4, Ch. 5.2), so a proper name inside an island binds a sloppy pro-form outside it.
In everyone thinks BILL will come Bill's dref takes inverse scope over the dynamically
closed everyone (5.8, Examples.ex5_7a).
In … we'll have to invite him the escaped dref binds the consequent's pronoun, so replacing BILL by John yields a meaning identical to the antecedent's and Contrast is satisfiable.
Maximal drefs and dynamic generalized quantifiers #
A dynamic GQ (Def. 5.3) returns its truth condition and pushes the refset — the restrictor individuals satisfying the scope — as a plural dref. The stack holds pluralities; the quantifier ranges over atoms.
Dynamic GQ with a maximal refset dref (Def. 5.3).
Equations
- Charlow2014.dynGQ DET M k s = {(DET M {x : A | x ∈ M ∧ Charlow2014.holds (k x) s}, s ++ [{x : A | x ∈ M ∧ Charlow2014.holds (k x) s}])}
Instances For
Exactly one linguist left is true iff one linguist left, with the linguists who left on the stack (5.19).
In exactly one linguist left; she was tired the pronoun is the maximal dref (5.3.2).
In it's absolutely false that no senators admire Cruz negation flips the truth value, and
the refset dref survives for they (5.24, Examples.ex5_23).
The Focus monad #
Rooth's two-dimensional focus semantics is the pointed-powerset monad
([Sha02a]): a value paired with its alternatives, sequencing the Identity
monad on the first coordinate and the Set monad on the second (Def. 5.6). It is the
library's WithAlternatives, whose monad laws are the thesis's Appendix B.9.
F-marking injects a value with its alternatives; only/also quantify over the
alternatives of a monadic VP (Def. 5.10). Focus effects are managed by scope like
any other, so they survive Reset and can be layered for selective association
across islands.
Application in the Focus monad is binary composition, pointwise on values and NA on
alternatives, Rooth's two interpretation functions at once (Fact 5.4).
fmark alt a is F-marking (Def. 5.7), a value with its contextual alternatives.
Equations
- Charlow2014.Focus.fmark alt a = { ordinary := a, alternatives := alt a }
Instances For
A VP meaning as the set of subject–world pairs it holds of.
Equations
- Charlow2014.Focus.toSet Q = {xw : E × W | Q xw.1 xw.2}
Instances For
only P holds of x at w when the VP's value is among its alternatives and only on the
identity scale is true at (x, w).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
also P holds of x at w when the VP's value is among its alternatives and the additive on
the identity scale is true at (x, w).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Only is Def. 5.10's, true where the VP's value is the sole true alternative.
Also is Def. 5.10's, true where some alternative besides the VP's value is true too.
Sharon only met JOHNᶠ associates with focus at the VP.
In unselective association only binds both foci in its scope (5.4.3).
In selective association, with BILLᶠ externally and SUEᶠ internally lifted, only catches
Bill's alternatives at the inner level and Sue's survive to also, for the scope order
also > SUEᶠ > only > BILLᶠ (5.4.4, Examples.ex5_27b).
In he also only introduced BILLᶠ to SUEᶠ merging in also captures the surviving
alternatives of SUEᶠ, for the scope order also > SUEᶠ > only > BILLᶠ (Examples.ex5_27b).
Focus effects survive Reset, an instance of Fact 4.1.
With two underlying monads, Focus effects on the top level and State.Set effects on the
second evaluate to a layered WithAlternatives (StateSet E Prop) (5.4.5).
Alternative semantics: the Reader.Set monad #
Swapping StateT for ReaderT over Set gives [KS17]-style
alternative semantics with scope-managed side effects: indefinites still take
selective exceptional scope, and Bind (Def. 5.21) handles in-scope binding
without the abstraction rule [Sha04] criticised. But pure discards the
stack, so nothing binds out of an island: the account of exceptional scope lives
in the Set monad both share, the account of exceptional binding in State.
The Reader.Set monad is ReaderT over the Set monad.
Equations
- Charlow2014.ReaderSet E = ReaderT (Charlow2014.Stack E) Set
Instances For
indef P is an indefinite, a nondeterministic individual insensitive to the stack.
Equations
- Charlow2014.ReaderSet.indef P x✝ = {x : E | P x}
Instances For
pro is a pronoun, the topical dref.
Equations
- Charlow2014.ReaderSet.pro s = {x : E | List.getLast? s = some x}
Instances For
The universal (Def. 5.19).
Equations
- Charlow2014.ReaderSet.everyDP P k = (do let x ← Charlow2014.ReaderSet.indef P (k x).neg).neg
Instances For
The negative quantifier.
Equations
- Charlow2014.ReaderSet.noDP P k = (Charlow2014.ReaderSet.indef P >>= k).neg
Instances For
bindShift m is Bind for Reader.Set towers (Def. 5.21), whose continuation reads the
extended stack.
Equations
- Charlow2014.ReaderSet.bindShift m k = m.run fun (a : E) (s : Charlow2014.Stack E) => k a (s ++ [a])
Instances For
Layered M (M Prop) derivation of a semanticist met a phonologist (Fact 5.9).
A linguist rubbed his head is bound in scope via Bind.
In a man told nobody about a book he wrote, with the object indefinite scoping over nobody
and its pronoun bound by the subject, the subject and object indefinites take the top level and
nobody the second.
In Reader.Set, in a man left; he was tired the indefinite's nondeterminism survives the
island and its dref does not, the second sentence's pronoun still reading the input stack.
Contrast Charlow2014.exceptional_binding.
A Reader.Set continuation is evaluated at the input stack, so no dref made inside a lifted program reaches it, the reckoning of (5.5.4).