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Linglib.Studies.PanchevaZubizarreta2018

Pancheva & Zubizarreta (2018): The Person Case Constraint #

[PZ18] [Sel87]

The Person Case Constraint: The Syntactic Encoding of Perspective. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 36: 1291–1337.

Summary #

Empirical predictions of the P-Constraint theory (formalized in Syntax/Minimalism/PConstraint.lean) for the eight grammar instances P&Z discuss: five attested PCC varieties (strong, ultra-strong, weak, super-strong, me-first) plus three predicted varieties (PG1, PG2, PG3) that the four-parameter space generates.

Key derivations (beyond per-cell predictions) #

Forward references #

This study is extended by [AZ25a] (study file AdamsonZompi2025.lean), who use the dual-feature distinction to argue that PCC effects diagnose interpretable (not agreement) person.

P&Z's syntactic encoding: the interpretable person feature on Appl marks one DP as the point-of-view center. The theory-neutral PCC (Features/Person/PersonCaseConstraint.lean) is grounded here in that Appl model — a ⟨IO, DO⟩ is licit iff IO-as-POV-center is consistent with the Appl p-feature. (Formerly PConstraint.lean's §9 grounding; it has no consumers outside this study, so it lives with the paper that motivates it.)

A minimal model of the Appl phase: the two arguments and the chosen POV center.

  • io : Person

    The indirect-object argument introduced by Appl.

  • do_ : Person

    The direct-object argument inside VP.

  • povCenter : Person

    The DP selected as point-of-view center within the phase.

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    def PanchevaZubizarreta2018.instDecidableEqApplDomain.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : ApplDomain) :
    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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        The IO is the canonical POV-center candidate ([PZ18] p. 1320).

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          The P-Constraint as a predicate over an Appl domain.

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            theorem PanchevaZubizarreta2018.isLicit_iff_exists_appl_satisfying (g : PCC.PCCGrammar) (io do_ : Person) :
            PCC.IsLicit g io do_ ∃ (a : ApplDomain), a.io = io a.do_ = do_ PConstraintSatisfied g a

            Central derivation. ⟨IO, DO⟩ is licit iff some Appl domain over them — IO as POV center — satisfies the P-Constraint. The four parametric clauses are not stipulated verdicts; they are the conditions under which IO-as-POV-center is consistent with the interpretable person feature on Appl.

            Number of positive features in a person decomposition. By the implicational hierarchy of (paper eq. 11), 1P bears all three (proximate, participant, author), 2P bears two, 3P bears none.

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              The Person Hierarchy is derived, not stipulated (paper §2.1, p. 1296: "We seek to derive it from more fundamental principles"). The order induced by Person.prominence (1P > 2P > 3P) coincides with the order induced by the count of positive features in the decomposition.

              Note: The two functions are not pointwise equal (3 vs 2, 2 vs 1, 0 vs 0) because rank collapses the SAP/non-SAP gap, but the orders match.

              Ultra-strong PCC (§4.1.2, eq. 14d): adds P-Primacy, so 1P-IO can rescue 1P/2P DO. ⟨1,2⟩ allowed but ⟨2,1⟩ banned.

              Weak PCC (§4.1.3, eq. 14b): drops P-Uniqueness, so any SAP IO licenses any DO. Bans only 3P-IO with 1P/2P DO.

              Super-strong PCC (§4.2, eq. 14e): IO must be SAP, DO must be 3P. Strictly the most restrictive variety.

              Me-first PCC (§4.3, eq. 14c): bans 1P DO with non-1P IO; restricted domain exempts ⟨2P,2P⟩, ⟨2P,3P⟩, ⟨3P,2P⟩, ⟨3P,3P⟩ entirely.

              NB: The implementation also bans ⟨1P,1P⟩ via P-Uniqueness. The paper (§4.3, p. 1314: "allows all other combinations") does not explicitly address this case; see mefirst_one_one_excluded below.

              PG3 (predicted, §4.5, eq. 33): [+author] with unrestricted domain. Only 1P-IO is licensed; uniqueness then rules out 1P-DO.

              The markedness rank of each grammar as the number of parameter departures from the strong PCC default. Strong is the unique 0-rank grammar; the four 1-rank grammars (ultra/weak/super/pg3) are the "minimal departures"; the three 2-rank grammars (me-first/pg1/pg2) are doubly marked.

              Strong PCC entails Weak PCC: every cell licit in strong is licit in weak. Falls out of the Preorder PCCGrammar instance.

              Super-strong PCC entails Strong PCC: super-strong's prominence on [+participant] is strictly more restrictive than strong's on [+proximate].

              P&Z's claim (§6.2): each P-Prominence setting corresponds to a logophoric role of [Sel87]. This is the paper's theoretical reading. [CM15] dispute that pivot is the relevant role for clitic clusters; the bridge file Anaphora/Antilogophoricity.lean documents this disagreement explicitly.

              theorem PanchevaZubizarreta2018.isLicit_imp_io_pov (g : PCC.PCCGrammar) (io do_ : Person) :
              PCC.IsLicit g io do_PConstraintSatisfied g { io := io, do_ := do_, povCenter := io }

              Whenever ⟨IO, DO⟩ is licit, selecting the IO as point-of-view center yields an Appl domain that semantically satisfies the P-Constraint. The four parametric clauses in (12) are not free-standing stipulations: they are precisely the conditions on IO-as-POV consistency.

              theorem PanchevaZubizarreta2018.io_pov_imp_isLicit (g : PCC.PCCGrammar) (io do_ : Person) :
              PConstraintSatisfied g { io := io, do_ := do_, povCenter := io }PCC.IsLicit g io do_

              Conversely, if any Appl domain over ⟨io, do_⟩ with IO as POV center satisfies the P-Constraint, the combination is licit. Together with isLicit_imp_io_pov, this characterizes IsLicit semantically.

              For [+participant] and [+author] grammars, the IO-as-POV semantics automatically interprets the IO as an attitude holder (self or source). The Point-of-View Principle (eq. 48) then holds with the AH = POV identification.

              Italian dative gli is 3rd person; accusative ti is 2nd. The weak PCC prediction ⟨3,2⟩ ⇒ illicit is therefore satisfied at these two actual clitic forms.

              French strong PCC (§4.1.1, ex. 16): *Elle te me présentera. No Fragments/French/Pronouns.lean exists; theorem reads off the parameter settings rather than fragment data.

              Catalan ultra-strong PCC (§4.1.2, ex. 20): the ⟨1,2⟩ vs ⟨2,1⟩ asymmetry that distinguishes ultra-strong from strong.

              Bulgarian me-first PCC (§4.3, ex. 29): only ⟨2,1⟩ and ⟨3,1⟩ banned; crucially, ⟨3,2⟩ is licit (where it is illicit in all [+proximate] varieties).

              The implementation rules out ⟨1P, 1P⟩ in me-first by P-Uniqueness on [+author]: both arguments are [+author], so neither can be uniquely the perspectival source. The paper (§4.3) explicitly bans only ⟨3,1⟩ and ⟨2,1⟩, leaving ⟨1,1⟩ unaddressed. The implementation's verdict follows from (12c) applied to two coreferential [+author] DPs.

              The me-first family does not show *⟨3,3⟩ effects: 3P-IO with 3P-DO is domain-exempt (no [+author] DP triggers the constraint), so the spurious-se restriction documented for [+proximate] varieties is structurally unavailable here (paper §4.4).

              P&Z's reading of the dative clitic — as a pivot (Sells's broadest role) — is incompatible with [CM15]'s reading (page 10), which assigns the dative clitic to empathyLocus and rejects pivot as relevant for clitic clusters. The two readings map .proximate to incompatible places.

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                The me-first wedge. P&Z predict me-first speakers should lack CLR effects: the P-Constraint marks the IO as a perspectival centre only when triggered, and me-first restricts the trigger to contexts with a [+author] DP. In ⟨3,3⟩ contexts no centre is marked, so no perspective conflict.

                C&M predict me-first speakers should still show CLR effects: dative clitics are inherently empathy loci (paper §3.5.1), independent of any P-Constraint setting. The accusative clitic read de se is then an attitude holder, and the antilogophoric clash obtains regardless of the syntactic licensing of the IO.

                Formally: under P&Z's account, ⟨3,3⟩ in a me-first grammar is licit (mefirst_three_three_exempt) and there is no separate CLR predicate to check. Under C&M's account, the configuration is CLRViolated.

                Resolution requires Bulgarian/Romanian me-first speakers tested on de se readings of accusative clitics in 3.DAT 3.ACC clusters; P&Z (page 1316) cite indirect evidence supporting their position; C&M did not test me-first varieties.