Pancheva & Zubizarreta (2018): The Person Case Constraint #
The Person Case Constraint: The Syntactic Encoding of Perspective. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 36: 1291–1337.
Summary #
Empirical predictions of the P-Constraint theory (formalized in
Syntax/Minimalism/PConstraint.lean) for the eight grammar
instances P&Z discuss: five attested PCC varieties (strong, ultra-strong,
weak, super-strong, me-first) plus three predicted varieties (PG1, PG2,
PG3) that the four-parameter space generates.
Key derivations (beyond per-cell predictions) #
personHierarchy_from_features— the paper's central claim that the Person Hierarchy 1P > 2P > 3P is derived from the count of positive features indecomposePerson(§2.1, p. 1296), not stipulated.isLicit_imp_io_pov— the four parametric clauses are recovered as the conditions under which selecting the IO as point-of-view center satisfies the P-Constraint semantically (§6.3, eq. 48).pProminence_to_sellsRole— P&Z's identification of their P-Prominence values with [Sel87]'s logophoric roles (§6.2). This mapping is P&Z's specific theoretical claim, not a framework-neutral fact; [CM15] (page 10) reject the claim that pivot is the relevant role for clitic clusters.readings_disagree_on_proximateandmefirst_wedge_with_cm— P&Z's rejection (page 1308) of [CM15]'s unification of PCC and CLR (§ 10 below).
Forward references #
This study is extended by [AZ25a] (study file
AdamsonZompi2025.lean), who use the dual-feature distinction to argue
that PCC effects diagnose interpretable (not agreement) person.
P&Z's identification of P-Prominence values with [Sel87]'s logophoric roles (paper §6.2). This is the paper's theoretical claim, not a framework-neutral fact.
Equations
- PanchevaZubizarreta2018.pProminence_to_sellsRole PCC.PProminence.proximate = Features.Logophoricity.LogophoricRole.pivot
- PanchevaZubizarreta2018.pProminence_to_sellsRole PCC.PProminence.participant = Features.Logophoricity.LogophoricRole.self
- PanchevaZubizarreta2018.pProminence_to_sellsRole PCC.PProminence.author = Features.Logophoricity.LogophoricRole.source
Instances For
P&Z's syntactic encoding: the interpretable person feature on Appl marks one DP as the
point-of-view center. The theory-neutral PCC (Features/Person/PersonCaseConstraint.lean)
is grounded here in that Appl model — a ⟨IO, DO⟩ is licit iff IO-as-POV-center is
consistent with the Appl p-feature. (Formerly PConstraint.lean's §9 grounding; it has
no consumers outside this study, so it lives with the paper that motivates it.)
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Equations
The IO is the canonical POV-center candidate ([PZ18] p. 1320).
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The P-Constraint as a predicate over an Appl domain.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Central derivation. ⟨IO, DO⟩ is licit iff some Appl domain over them — IO as POV center — satisfies the P-Constraint. The four parametric clauses are not stipulated verdicts; they are the conditions under which IO-as-POV-center is consistent with the interpretable person feature on Appl.
Number of positive features in a person decomposition. By the implicational hierarchy of (paper eq. 11), 1P bears all three (proximate, participant, author), 2P bears two, 3P bears none.
Equations
- PanchevaZubizarreta2018.positiveFeatureCount dp = ((if dp.hasProximate = true then 1 else 0) + if dp.hasParticipant = true then 1 else 0) + if dp.hasAuthor = true then 1 else 0
Instances For
The numeric values of positiveFeatureCount per person.
The Person Hierarchy is derived, not stipulated (paper §2.1, p. 1296:
"We seek to derive it from more fundamental principles"). The order
induced by Person.prominence (1P > 2P > 3P) coincides with the order
induced by the count of positive features in the decomposition.
Note: The two functions are not pointwise equal (3 vs 2, 2 vs 1, 0 vs 0)
because rank collapses the SAP/non-SAP gap, but the orders match.
Strong PCC (paper §4.1.1, eq. 14a): DO must be 3P.
Ultra-strong PCC (§4.1.2, eq. 14d): adds P-Primacy, so 1P-IO can rescue 1P/2P DO. ⟨1,2⟩ allowed but ⟨2,1⟩ banned.
Weak PCC (§4.1.3, eq. 14b): drops P-Uniqueness, so any SAP IO licenses any DO. Bans only 3P-IO with 1P/2P DO.
Super-strong PCC (§4.2, eq. 14e): IO must be SAP, DO must be 3P. Strictly the most restrictive variety.
Me-first PCC (§4.3, eq. 14c): bans 1P DO with non-1P IO; restricted domain exempts ⟨2P,2P⟩, ⟨2P,3P⟩, ⟨3P,2P⟩, ⟨3P,3P⟩ entirely.
NB: The implementation also bans ⟨1P,1P⟩ via P-Uniqueness. The paper
(§4.3, p. 1314: "allows all other combinations") does not explicitly
address this case; see mefirst_one_one_excluded below.
PG1 (predicted, §4.5, eq. 32a-ii): [+participant] + P-Primacy.
PG2 (predicted, §4.5, eq. 32b): [+participant], no P-Uniqueness.
PG3 (predicted, §4.5, eq. 33): [+author] with unrestricted domain. Only 1P-IO is licensed; uniqueness then rules out 1P-DO.
The markedness rank of each grammar as the number of parameter departures from the strong PCC default. Strong is the unique 0-rank grammar; the four 1-rank grammars (ultra/weak/super/pg3) are the "minimal departures"; the three 2-rank grammars (me-first/pg1/pg2) are doubly marked.
Strong PCC entails Weak PCC: every cell licit in strong is licit in
weak. Falls out of the Preorder PCCGrammar instance.
Strong PCC entails Ultra-strong PCC.
Super-strong PCC entails Strong PCC: super-strong's prominence on [+participant] is strictly more restrictive than strong's on [+proximate].
P&Z's claim (§6.2): each P-Prominence setting corresponds to a logophoric
role of [Sel87]. This is the paper's theoretical reading.
[CM15] dispute that pivot is the relevant role for
clitic clusters; the bridge file Anaphora/Antilogophoricity.lean
documents this disagreement explicitly.
Under P&Z's reading: the five attested grammars and the [+author]-prominence predicted family map onto Sells's hierarchy as strong/ultra/weak ⇒ pivot, super ⇒ self, me-first/pg3 ⇒ source.
Whenever ⟨IO, DO⟩ is licit, selecting the IO as point-of-view center yields an Appl domain that semantically satisfies the P-Constraint. The four parametric clauses in (12) are not free-standing stipulations: they are precisely the conditions on IO-as-POV consistency.
Conversely, if any Appl domain over ⟨io, do_⟩ with IO as POV center
satisfies the P-Constraint, the combination is licit. Together with
isLicit_imp_io_pov, this characterizes IsLicit semantically.
For [+participant] and [+author] grammars, the IO-as-POV semantics
automatically interprets the IO as an attitude holder (self or
source). The Point-of-View Principle (eq. 48) then holds with the
AH = POV identification.
Italian dative gli is 3rd person; accusative ti is 2nd. The weak PCC prediction ⟨3,2⟩ ⇒ illicit is therefore satisfied at these two actual clitic forms.
The Italian licit pair ti la (2.DAT > 3.ACC) under weak PCC.
Spanish te me (2.DAT > 1.ACC) is licit under weak PCC. The
interpretable persons are read off the actual te_dat/me_acc clitic
forms in Fragments/Spanish/Clitics.lean.
Spanish me te (1.DAT > 2.ACC) is also licit (weak PCC ⟨1,2⟩).
Spanish le me (3.DAT > 1.ACC) is illicit (paper ex. 24).
French strong PCC (§4.1.1, ex. 16): *Elle te me présentera.
No Fragments/French/Pronouns.lean exists; theorem reads off the
parameter settings rather than fragment data.
Catalan ultra-strong PCC (§4.1.2, ex. 20): the ⟨1,2⟩ vs ⟨2,1⟩ asymmetry that distinguishes ultra-strong from strong.
Kambera super-strong PCC (§4.2, ex. 27): IO must be SAP, DO must be 3P; ⟨3,3⟩ is also banned.
Bulgarian me-first PCC (§4.3, ex. 29): only ⟨2,1⟩ and ⟨3,1⟩ banned; crucially, ⟨3,2⟩ is licit (where it is illicit in all [+proximate] varieties).
The implementation rules out ⟨1P, 1P⟩ in me-first by P-Uniqueness on [+author]: both arguments are [+author], so neither can be uniquely the perspectival source. The paper (§4.3) explicitly bans only ⟨3,1⟩ and ⟨2,1⟩, leaving ⟨1,1⟩ unaddressed. The implementation's verdict follows from (12c) applied to two coreferential [+author] DPs.
The me-first family does not show *⟨3,3⟩ effects: 3P-IO with 3P-DO is domain-exempt (no [+author] DP triggers the constraint), so the spurious-se restriction documented for [+proximate] varieties is structurally unavailable here (paper §4.4).
P&Z's reading of the dative clitic — as a pivot (Sells's broadest
role) — is incompatible with [CM15]'s reading
(page 10), which assigns the dative clitic to empathyLocus and
rejects pivot as relevant for clitic clusters. The two readings map
.proximate to incompatible places.
Equations
- PanchevaZubizarreta2018.pProminence_to_cmCenter PCC.PProminence.proximate = CharnavelMateu2015.LogoCenter.empathyLocus
- PanchevaZubizarreta2018.pProminence_to_cmCenter PCC.PProminence.participant = CharnavelMateu2015.LogoCenter.discourseParticipant
- PanchevaZubizarreta2018.pProminence_to_cmCenter PCC.PProminence.author = CharnavelMateu2015.LogoCenter.discourseParticipant
Instances For
The me-first wedge. P&Z predict me-first speakers should lack CLR effects: the P-Constraint marks the IO as a perspectival centre only when triggered, and me-first restricts the trigger to contexts with a [+author] DP. In ⟨3,3⟩ contexts no centre is marked, so no perspective conflict.
C&M predict me-first speakers should still show CLR effects: dative clitics are inherently empathy loci (paper §3.5.1), independent of any P-Constraint setting. The accusative clitic read de se is then an attitude holder, and the antilogophoric clash obtains regardless of the syntactic licensing of the IO.
Formally: under P&Z's account, ⟨3,3⟩ in a me-first grammar is licit
(mefirst_three_three_exempt) and there is no separate CLR predicate
to check. Under C&M's account, the configuration is CLRViolated.
Resolution requires Bulgarian/Romanian me-first speakers tested on de se readings of accusative clitics in 3.DAT 3.ACC clusters; P&Z (page 1316) cite indirect evidence supporting their position; C&M did not test me-first varieties.