Hausa focus strategies and pragmatic types #
Formalises the [HZ07] argument that Hausa is a counterexample to the universalist claims that focus marking is obligatory and that focus position determines pragmatic interpretation.
Implementation notes #
The paper states the hypothesis it refutes as (21) "Meaning-Structure
Mapping Hypothesis" (§3.1), the label following
[VV98]'s phrase "the meaning-structure mapping"; the
shared schema is Function.FactorsThroughOn
(Core.Logic.FactorsThroughOn), making the Hungarian/Hausa contrast
a difference of verdict on a single set-theoretic predicate. The §1.2
control taxonomy (Antecedent, Use) and its factor-through theorems
live in Semantics/Focus/Control.lean.
Subject foci in TAMs lacking a Relative form (future, habitual,
subjunctive) are "syntactically and morphologically unmarked" (p. 4);
the paper analyses them as string-vacuously ex-situ, so
IsHausaLicensed bans in-situ subjects unconditionally and
exSitu_subject_subjunctive is licensed yet reflex-free.
§3.3's corpus tendencies stay prose: answers to wh-questions are mostly in-situ (99 vs 25) while selective/corrective/contrastive foci are >90% ex-situ (154 vs 12), but "none of the discussed instances of focus is categorically excluded from occurring either in situ or ex situ" — only the categorical no-determination claim is a theorem.
TODO #
- The Kiss-side semantic interpretation of
FocusType.IsExhaustive(obligatory covertonlyVia) for the like-for-like §3.2.5 contrast — needs a semantic layer inKiss1998.lean. - §2.3 multiple foci: co-occurrence of one ex-situ focus with in-situ foci (18a-c).
- §4 focus pied-piping / partial focus movement and the (47) "Ex-Situ Generalisation, final version" need a structured-meaning overlap predicate.
- §5 prosodic pilot data and §6.1 emphasis motivation are quantitative tendencies, currently in docstring prose only.
References #
What is focused (§2.2.2) #
What is focused: Hausa singles out subjects (§2.2.2); everything
else collapses to nonSubject.
Instances For
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- HartmannZimmermann2007.instDecidableEqFocused x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Tagged focus utterances and Hausa licensing #
A FocusConfig tagged with its pragmatic use and focused
constituent.
- cfg : Hausa.FocusConfig
- pragType : Semantics.Focus.Use
- focused : Focused
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Morphosyntactic licensing (FocusConfig.Licensed) plus the §2.2.2
ban on in-situ subject focus. The ban is unconditional: in TAMs without
a Relative form the fronting is merely invisible (p. 4), not absent.
Equations
- u.IsHausaLicensed = (u.cfg.Licensed ∧ (u.focused = HartmannZimmermann2007.Focused.subject → u.cfg.strategy = Hausa.Strategy.exSitu))
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Controlling contexts of the §3.2 matrix #
Every cell's mini-scenario has one shape: a two-point answer domain —
the mentioned answer ans vs the contextual alternative alt — whose
content (fish vs other dishes, fifteen vs twenty Naira, behind vs in
front, …) lives in the cell's data row. The antecedent is the canonical
Use.model of the row's context shape; the answer is composed by the
engine (pairAnswer); ctx_resolves is the uniform full-resolution
fact. Ex-situ variants are interpreted at the base structure (fronting
is A'-movement for the paper, and alternatives do not distribute
through abstraction: PredAbs AltMeaning = ⟨none⟩).
The two-point answer domain of a cell's mini-scenario.
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Every cell's context fully resolves against the composed answer — all squiggle clauses, plus the correction clause for the corrective cells. One semantics, four pragmatic uses.
Exhaustive focus (§3.2.5) #
Exhaustivity is not structurally encoded: it is induced by focus particles (kawài 'only'; nee/cee per the paper's fn. 3) over the resolved contrast set, in either strategy — (32a/b) attest in-situ and ex-situ only BOOKS alike.
The exhaustified answer computes to the bare true answer, uniformly across the four uses: exhaustification consumes the resolved contrast set and prejacent, never the strategy — the §3.2.5 point that exhaustive readings are available in both positions.
The 8-cell empirical matrix (§3.2) #
Each cell's pragmatic type is computed from its controlling context:
the constructors take a Semantics.Focus.Antecedent, not a tag.
Ex-situ new-information focus ((22), Examples.ex22).
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Ex-situ corrective focus on a feminine subject ((24),
Examples.ex24).
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Ex-situ selective focus, no stabilizer ((29), Examples.ex29).
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Ex-situ contrastive focus, no stabilizer ((27), Examples.ex27);
the paper's 4sg impersonal akèe is approximated with the 3sg.M
Relative continuous.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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In-situ new-information focus ((23), Examples.ex23).
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In-situ corrective focus with sentence-final nèe ((25),
Examples.ex25).
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In-situ selective focus ((30), Examples.ex30).
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In-situ contrastive focus ((26), Examples.ex26).
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The 8-cell matrix of §3.2: both strategies × all four pragmatic types.
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Every cell of the §3.2 matrix is Hausa-licensed.
Strategy does not determine pragmatic type (§3.2) #
On Hausa-licensed utterances pragType does not factor through
strategy: (22) and (24) are both ex-situ with distinct pragmatic
types.
The refutation persists restricted to in-situ utterances: (23) vs (25).
Subject-focus generalization (§2.2.2) #
Focused subjects front (§2.2.2); unpacks the second conjunct of
IsHausaLicensed.
The starred in-situ subject focus ((17 A2), Examples.ex17a2).
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The grammatical ex-situ subject focus ((17 A1), Examples.ex17a1).
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Subject focus in a TAM with no Relative form (the (8) pattern,
Examples.ex8): string-vacuous fronting with no overt reflex — see
exSitu_subject_subjunctive_no_reflex.
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Universalist Basic Focus Rule (§5, §6.2) #
An overt reflex of focus: non-vacuous fronting (subjects front string-vacuously), Relative-form morphology, or a stabilizer.
Equations
- u.HasMorphosyntacticReflex = (u.focused = HartmannZimmermann2007.Focused.nonSubject ∧ u.cfg.strategy = Hausa.Strategy.exSitu ∨ u.cfg.pac.mode = Hausa.Mode.relative ∨ u.cfg.hasStab = true)
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The universalist claim — [Sel95]'s Basic Focus Rule and its tradition (§5, §6.2) — that every focused utterance carries some structural reflex, weakened to morphosyntax and quantified over Hausa utterances only.
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(23) is licensed and reflex-free; the §5 pilot finds no prosodic reflex either.
The subject-side counterexample (the (8) pattern).
The overt reflexes of a focus utterance in the shared
Semantics.Focus.Realization vocabulary: non-vacuous fronting,
Relative-form morphology, and the stabilizer.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The disjunctive reflex predicate coincides with overtness of the reflex list.
Hausa refutes the universalist claim that every (licensed) focus
receives an overt reflex — the same EveryFocusPerceptible shape
Tangale refutes in HartmannZimmermann2004.lean.
Polar tone of nē/cē (§2.1) #
Stabilizer.toneAfter is Hausa.polarOf; the minimal pair below is
(3a, 3b).
Data linkage #
Each cell's tags are pinned to the paperFeatures of its
Data.Examples.HartmannZimmermann2007 row.
Every cell's tags agree with its row's paperFeatures.
The row the paper stars is the cell the licensing predicate rejects.