Documentation

Linglib.Studies.HartmannZimmermann2007

Hausa focus strategies and pragmatic types #

Formalises the [HZ07] argument that Hausa is a counterexample to the universalist claims that focus marking is obligatory and that focus position determines pragmatic interpretation.

Implementation notes #

The paper states the hypothesis it refutes as (21) "Meaning-Structure Mapping Hypothesis" (§3.1), the label following [VV98]'s phrase "the meaning-structure mapping"; the shared schema is Function.FactorsThroughOn (Core.Logic.FactorsThroughOn), making the Hungarian/Hausa contrast a difference of verdict on a single set-theoretic predicate. The §1.2 control taxonomy (Antecedent, Use) and its factor-through theorems live in Semantics/Focus/Control.lean.

Subject foci in TAMs lacking a Relative form (future, habitual, subjunctive) are "syntactically and morphologically unmarked" (p. 4); the paper analyses them as string-vacuously ex-situ, so IsHausaLicensed bans in-situ subjects unconditionally and exSitu_subject_subjunctive is licensed yet reflex-free.

§3.3's corpus tendencies stay prose: answers to wh-questions are mostly in-situ (99 vs 25) while selective/corrective/contrastive foci are >90% ex-situ (154 vs 12), but "none of the discussed instances of focus is categorically excluded from occurring either in situ or ex situ" — only the categorical no-determination claim is a theorem.

TODO #

References #

What is focused (§2.2.2) #

What is focused: Hausa singles out subjects (§2.2.2); everything else collapses to nonSubject.

Instances For
    @[implicit_reducible]
    Equations
    Equations
    • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
    Instances For

      Tagged focus utterances and Hausa licensing #

      A FocusConfig tagged with its pragmatic use and focused constituent.

      Instances For
        Equations
        • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
        Instances For

          Morphosyntactic licensing (FocusConfig.Licensed) plus the §2.2.2 ban on in-situ subject focus. The ban is unconditional: in TAMs without a Relative form the fronting is merely invisible (p. 4), not absent.

          Equations
          Instances For

            Controlling contexts of the §3.2 matrix #

            Every cell's mini-scenario has one shape: a two-point answer domain — the mentioned answer ans vs the contextual alternative alt — whose content (fish vs other dishes, fifteen vs twenty Naira, behind vs in front, …) lives in the cell's data row. The antecedent is the canonical Use.model of the row's context shape; the answer is composed by the engine (pairAnswer); ctx_resolves is the uniform full-resolution fact. Ex-situ variants are interpreted at the base structure (fronting is A'-movement for the paper, and alternatives do not distribute through abstraction: PredAbs AltMeaning = ⟨none⟩).

            The two-point answer domain of a cell's mini-scenario.

            Instances For

              Every cell's context fully resolves against the composed answer — all squiggle clauses, plus the correction clause for the corrective cells. One semantics, four pragmatic uses.

              Exhaustive focus (§3.2.5) #

              Exhaustivity is not structurally encoded: it is induced by focus particles (kawài 'only'; nee/cee per the paper's fn. 3) over the resolved contrast set, in either strategy — (32a/b) attest in-situ and ex-situ only BOOKS alike.

              The exhaustified answer computes to the bare true answer, uniformly across the four uses: exhaustification consumes the resolved contrast set and prejacent, never the strategy — the §3.2.5 point that exhaustive readings are available in both positions.

              The 8-cell empirical matrix (§3.2) #

              Each cell's pragmatic type is computed from its controlling context: the constructors take a Semantics.Focus.Antecedent, not a tag.

              Ex-situ new-information focus ((22), Examples.ex22).

              Equations
              • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
              Instances For

                Ex-situ corrective focus on a feminine subject ((24), Examples.ex24).

                Equations
                • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                Instances For

                  Ex-situ selective focus, no stabilizer ((29), Examples.ex29).

                  Equations
                  • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                  Instances For

                    Ex-situ contrastive focus, no stabilizer ((27), Examples.ex27); the paper's 4sg impersonal akèe is approximated with the 3sg.M Relative continuous.

                    Equations
                    • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                    Instances For

                      In-situ corrective focus with sentence-final nèe ((25), Examples.ex25).

                      Equations
                      • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                      Instances For

                        The 8-cell matrix of §3.2: both strategies × all four pragmatic types.

                        Equations
                        • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                        Instances For

                          Every cell of the §3.2 matrix is Hausa-licensed.

                          Strategy does not determine pragmatic type (§3.2) #

                          On Hausa-licensed utterances pragType does not factor through strategy: (22) and (24) are both ex-situ with distinct pragmatic types.

                          Subject-focus generalization (§2.2.2) #

                          Focused subjects front (§2.2.2); unpacks the second conjunct of IsHausaLicensed.

                          The starred in-situ subject focus ((17 A2), Examples.ex17a2).

                          Equations
                          • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                          Instances For

                            The grammatical ex-situ subject focus ((17 A1), Examples.ex17a1).

                            Equations
                            • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                            Instances For

                              Subject focus in a TAM with no Relative form (the (8) pattern, Examples.ex8): string-vacuous fronting with no overt reflex — see exSitu_subject_subjunctive_no_reflex.

                              Equations
                              • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                              Instances For

                                Universalist Basic Focus Rule (§5, §6.2) #

                                An overt reflex of focus: non-vacuous fronting (subjects front string-vacuously), Relative-form morphology, or a stabilizer.

                                Equations
                                Instances For

                                  The universalist claim — [Sel95]'s Basic Focus Rule and its tradition (§5, §6.2) — that every focused utterance carries some structural reflex, weakened to morphosyntax and quantified over Hausa utterances only.

                                  Equations
                                  Instances For

                                    (23) is licensed and reflex-free; the §5 pilot finds no prosodic reflex either.

                                    The overt reflexes of a focus utterance in the shared Semantics.Focus.Realization vocabulary: non-vacuous fronting, Relative-form morphology, and the stabilizer.

                                    Equations
                                    • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
                                    Instances For

                                      The disjunctive reflex predicate coincides with overtness of the reflex list.

                                      Hausa refutes the universalist claim that every (licensed) focus receives an overt reflex — the same EveryFocusPerceptible shape Tangale refutes in HartmannZimmermann2004.lean.

                                      Polar tone of nē/cē (§2.1) #

                                      Stabilizer.toneAfter is Hausa.polarOf; the minimal pair below is (3a, 3b).

                                      Data linkage #

                                      Each cell's tags are pinned to the paperFeatures of its Data.Examples.HartmannZimmermann2007 row.

                                      Every cell's tags agree with its row's paperFeatures.