Focus antecedents #
The anaphoric source of the squiggle's contrast set ([Roo92]):
what the preceding discourse supplies — a question, a prior assertion
to correct, explicitly offered alternatives, or a parallel focus
([Uhm91]'s focus-control taxonomy, adopted by
[HZ07] §1.2). Use classifies the shapes;
felicity (Antecedent.Admits) is fip on the antecedent's contrast
set, uniformly across uses — and use_not_factorsThrough_contrastSet
shows the four-way split is invisible to the semantics.
SquiggleSet/SquiggleInd state the full presuppositions of
[Roo92]'s operator (his (40), set and individual cases):
anaphorically demanding — Admits is only the first set-case clause, and the contrast clauses
are what make not_squiggleSet_unfeatured
derives "the argument must contain a focus" from the unit focus value
of focus-free phrases. Antecedent.Resolves routes each antecedent
shape through the appropriate case.
Implementation notes #
Payloads are flat Hamblin sets (PropFocusValue), keeping antecedents
over finite models decide-friendly; the inquisitive layer plugs in
via Antecedent.ofQuestion and Question.alt, with
alt_which_singleton identifying the two Hamblin constructions. The
assertion payload is a raw prior proposition; the
Discourse.CommonGround.HasAssertion hookup (a correction/denial
move) is deferred.
The four pragmatic uses of one semantic focus ([Uhm91]):
the image of Antecedent.use.
Instances For
Equations
- Semantics.Focus.instDecidableEqUse x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Semantics.Focus.instReprUse = { reprPrec := Semantics.Focus.instReprUse.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- Semantics.Focus.instInhabitedUse = { default := Semantics.Focus.instInhabitedUse.default }
A focus antecedent: the discourse object that supplies the squiggle's antecedent — a contrast set for [Roo92]'s set case, or a single contrasting ordinary value for the individual case.
- question
{W : Type u_2}
(q : Interpretation.PropFocusValue W)
: Antecedent W
A question with (flat Hamblin) denotation
q. - assertion
{W : Type u_2}
(p : Set W)
(alts : Interpretation.PropFocusValue W)
: Antecedent W
A prior assertion
p, corrected among alternativesalts. - offer
{W : Type u_2}
(alts : Interpretation.PropFocusValue W)
: Antecedent W
Explicitly offered alternatives ('coffee or tea?').
- parallel
{W : Type u_2}
(alts : Interpretation.PropFocusValue W)
: Antecedent W
A parallel focus with focus value
alts. - phrase
{W : Type u_2}
(γ : Set W)
: Antecedent W
A contrasting phrase's ordinary value ([Roo92]'s individual case; the "contrasting phrases" rule).
Instances For
The contrast set Γ an antecedent supplies to the squiggle.
Equations
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.question q).contrastSet = q
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.assertion p alts).contrastSet = alts
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.offer alts).contrastSet = alts
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.parallel alts).contrastSet = alts
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.phrase γ).contrastSet = {γ}
Instances For
The pragmatic use an antecedent shape licenses.
Equations
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.question q).use = Semantics.Focus.Use.newInfo
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.assertion p alts).use = Semantics.Focus.Use.corrective
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.offer alts).use = Semantics.Focus.Use.selective
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.parallel alts).use = Semantics.Focus.Use.contrastive
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.phrase γ).use = Semantics.Focus.Use.contrastive
Instances For
The canonical antecedent of each use over a designated
ordinary-value/alternative pair (o, a): a question, an assertion of
the alternative to be corrected, an offer, or a parallel focus — the
minimal contentful model of the four controlling contexts.
Equations
- Semantics.Focus.Use.model o a Semantics.Focus.Use.newInfo = Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.question {o, a}
- Semantics.Focus.Use.model o a Semantics.Focus.Use.corrective = Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.assertion a {o, a}
- Semantics.Focus.Use.model o a Semantics.Focus.Use.selective = Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.offer {o, a}
- Semantics.Focus.Use.model o a Semantics.Focus.Use.contrastive = Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.parallel {o, a}
Instances For
Every pragmatic use is realised by some antecedent shape.
Roothian felicity of a focus value against an antecedent: fip on
the antecedent's contrast set.
Equations
- c.Admits fv = Semantics.Focus.Interpretation.fip c.contrastSet fv
Instances For
The question case is the substrate's Q-A congruence.
Admits is monotone in the focus value.
An intersection of focus values is admitted iff both are.
The squiggle presupposition #
[Roo92]'s operator introduces the presuppositions of its (40),
over an ordinary value anaphorically demanding.o and focus value fv of any type: in the set
case the resolved antecedent Γ is a subset of fv containing o and
a distinct alternative; in the individual case the antecedent is a
member of fv distinct from o. Admits is the first set-case clause;
the contrast clauses are what make
The ~ presupposition, set case: Γ ⊆ fv, o ∈ Γ, and Γ contains
an alternative distinct from o ([Roo92] (40)).
Equations
- Semantics.Focus.SquiggleSet o fv Γ = (Γ ⊆ fv ∧ o ∈ Γ ∧ ∃ x ∈ Γ, x ≠ o)
Instances For
The ~ presupposition, individual case: the antecedent is a member
of fv distinct from o ([Roo92] (40)); the contrasting-phrases
rule is this with γ := ⟦β⟧ᵒ.
Equations
- Semantics.Focus.SquiggleInd o fv γ = (γ ∈ fv ∧ γ ≠ o)
Instances For
The first set-case clause alone: the antecedent is a subset of the
focus value (at the propositional level, exactly fip).
A resolved antecedent is nontrivial: it contains the ordinary value and a distinct alternative.
A unit focus value defeats the contrast clause: nothing resolves
against {o}.
"The argument must contain a focus": a focus-free phrase has a unit focus value, so no antecedent resolves against it ([Roo92] §10).
Full Roothian resolution of an antecedent against a two-dimensional
meaning (o, fv): the set case for question / offer / parallel
antecedents, the individual case for contrasting phrases — and for
assertion antecedents additionally the correction clause: the resolved
ordinary value replaces (differs from) the prior assertion.
Equations
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.phrase γ).Resolves x✝¹ x✝ = Semantics.Focus.SquiggleInd x✝¹ x✝ γ
- (Semantics.Focus.Antecedent.assertion p alts).Resolves x✝¹ x✝ = (Semantics.Focus.SquiggleSet x✝¹ x✝ alts ∧ x✝¹ ≠ p)
- x✝².Resolves x✝¹ x✝ = Semantics.Focus.SquiggleSet x✝¹ x✝ x✝².contrastSet
Instances For
Full resolution entails felicity: Admits is the set case's first
clause, and a resolved contrasting phrase is a member of the focus
value.
Felicity factors through the contrast set: the semantics sees Γ, never the use label.
Distinct uses can supply one and the same Γ (a question and an explicit offer, say), so the four-way split is invisible to the Roothian semantics — pragmatic, not semantic.
Hamblin antecedents #
The flat Hamblin set of complete answers over a domain.
Equations
- Semantics.Focus.hamblin D = Set.range fun (d : D) => {d}
Instances For
The wh-question antecedent over a whole domain.
Equations
Instances For
A wh-antecedent over a domain with two distinct elements fully resolves against the Hamblin focus value of any complete answer.
Composed answers over a pair #
The minimal contentful scenario: a two-point answer domain
{d, d'} with d the true answer. The answer is built by the
composition engine — the singleton complete-answer predicate mapped
over the F-marked argument — and every canonical antecedent shape
fully resolves against it.
The composed focused answer d over the pair {d, d'}.
Equations
- Semantics.Focus.pairAnswer d d' = (fun (x : W) => {x}) <$> { oValue := d, aValue := [d, d'] }
Instances For
Uniform resolution across the four uses: every canonical antecedent shape fully resolves — all squiggle clauses, including the correction clause — against the composed answer over its pair. One semantics, four pragmatic uses.
Strong-theory only #
[Roo92]'s official semantics: only quantifies over the resolved
contrast variable C; the focus constraint C ⊆ ⟦·⟧f is supplied
separately by the squiggle, "leaving room for a pragmatic process of
constructing a domain of quantification". The operator has no lexical
access to focus values — direct-association implementations carry an
alternative list lexically instead, and the two provably diverge under
domain restriction (Studies/Rooth1992.lean).
The strong-theory only assertion, transposed to the propositional level: every true member of the resolved contrast set is the prejacent. The prejacent presupposition is carried separately.
Equations
- Semantics.Focus.onlyVia C prejacent = {w : W | ∀ q ∈ C, w ∈ q → q = prejacent}
Instances For
A true alternative distinct from the prejacent refutes only.
Membership in only from refuting every distinct alternative.
An irredundant family of alternatives: each member can hold
while every other member fails — equivalently, no member is covered by
the union of the rest (each alternative has a private world). Strictly
weaker than the mutual exclusivity of partition semantics
(irredundant_of_pairwise_disjoint) and than Boolean independence of
the family. [UPSTREAM] candidate as the non-coveredness
companion of iSupIndep (¬ t i ≤ ⨆ j ≠ i, t j): mathlib has the
disjointness form and, at the module instance, the characterization
linearIndependent_iff_notMem_span, but no lattice-level name — and
SupIrred (join-irreducibility of an element) is a false friend.
Equations
- Semantics.Focus.Irredundant f = ∀ (i : ι), ∃ w ∈ f i, ∀ (j : ι), j ≠ i → w ∉ f j
Instances For
Pairwise-disjoint nonempty alternatives — the mutual-exclusivity assumption of partition semantics — are irredundant.
Over a separated family, resolving only to contrast sets that differ beyond the prejacent yields distinct readings: the alternative present in one resolution and absent from the other separates them.
Over a separated family, only is injective in the resolved contrast set, on resolutions containing the prejacent.
Narrowing the domain weakens only — the pragmatic domain restriction that repairs the over-generation of a fixed full-focus domain.
Against a squiggle-resolved contrast set, only genuinely excludes: the contrast clause supplies a distinct alternative that the assertion rules out wherever it holds.
A Question supplies its maximal alternatives as a question
antecedent — the bridge from the inquisitive layer.
Instances For
The maximal alternatives of the inquisitive wh-question over the singleton predicates are exactly the flat Hamblin set.
The inquisitive wh-question and the flat Hamblin antecedent coincide.