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Linglib.Fragments.Hausa.Focus

Hausa Focus and the Stabilizer nē/cē — mathlib-style #

@cite{newman-2000} @cite{jaggar-green-2003} @cite{hartmann-zimmermann-2007}

Hausa expresses focus by two principal strategies (@cite{newman-2000} ch. 28, ch. 66):

  1. In-situ focus: the focused constituent stays in its canonical position; focus is signaled prosodically (and contextually) without any morphosyntactic reflex.
  2. Ex-situ focus: the focused constituent fronts to a clause-initial position. Two morphosyntactic reflexes are diagnostic:
    • the stabilizer (M / non-feminine-singular) or (F.SG) optionally surfaces after the focused phrase, agreeing in gender and number with the focus (@cite{newman-2000} §66.1).
    • the clause's TAM shifts to the Relative form (in completive and continuous; cf. Hausa/TAM.lean §1).

The Relative-form requirement is the main empirical hook: it ties ex-situ focus to the broader morphological General/Relative split shared with relative clauses and wh-questions (@cite{jaggar-green-2003} argue this is movement to a single CP-internal position, but we stay theory-neutral here and just record the licensing condition).

FocusConfig.Licensed is propositional (Prop with Decidable). It is not enforced as a Subtype invariant: the structure is unrestricted, and exSitu_with_genCmp below is an explicit ill-licensed example used to prove the predicate non-vacuous. The mkInSitu/mkExSitu constructors are ergonomic helpers; the ex-situ one takes a proof obligation that licenses what it builds.

The two focus strategies in Hausa. Contrastive vs information focus distinctions cut across both strategies and live in study files.

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    @[implicit_reducible]
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      The stabilizer surfaces with two allomorphs in agreement with the focused constituent: with feminine-singular focus, elsewhere (masculine singular and all plurals). The plural agrees with regardless of gender (@cite{newman-2000} §66.1).

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          Pick the stabilizer for a focused constituent of the given gender and number. The allomorph appears iff the focus is feminine AND singular.

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            A focused-clause configuration. The Strategy field determines whether the constituent fronts; in the ex-situ case, a stabilizer is optionally inserted and the clause's PAC must surface in Relative mode (when the TAM admits it).

            • The clause's PAC (subject + TAM + mode + form).

            • strategy : Strategy

              The focus strategy.

            • The gender of the focused constituent (determines vs ).

            • focusSG : Bool

              Whether the focused constituent is singular.

            • hasStab : Bool

              Whether a stabilizer surfaces (optional in ex-situ; absent in-situ).

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                Stabilizer realised by this configuration, if any.

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                  A FocusConfig is licensed iff:

                  • in-situ focus places no constraint on TAM mode, or
                  • ex-situ focus has the PAC in Relative mode whenever the PAC's TAM admits a Relative form (otherwise vacuously licensed).

                  This recovers the textbook generalisation that ex-situ focus is incompatible with the General-form completive/continuous, but morphologically vacuous for TAMs that lack a Relative form.

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                    Smart constructor for an in-situ focus configuration. Always licensed; defaults to no stabilizer (in-situ focus carries no morphological reflex).

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                      def Fragments.Hausa.Focus.mkExSitu (pac : Inflection.PAC) (focusG : Features.SurfaceGender) (focusSG : Bool) (hasStab : Bool := true) :

                      Smart constructor for an ex-situ focus configuration. Takes a proof that if the TAM admits a Relative form, the PAC's mode is Relative; licensing then follows immediately (see mkExSitu_licensed).

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                        A FocusConfig built by mkExSitu is licensed: the proof obligation threaded through the smart constructor is the witness.

                        Ex-situ focus of a feminine singular NP with the relative completive: fully licensed; surfaces with .

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                          An unlicensed ex-situ configuration with the General completive, constructed directly to demonstrate that the predicate has bite.

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                            The focus-configuration registry: licensed examples used downstream. exSitu_with_genCmp is not in the registry — it is the explicit counterexample showing the predicate is non-vacuous.

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                              Stabilizer agreement. The allomorph appears exactly with feminine-singular focus; everything else takes .

                              Every registered focus configuration is licensed. The smart constructors guarantee this; the universal theorem records the invariant for the registry as a whole.

                              Ex-situ + General completive is not licensed. The morphological bite of the predicate.

                              The licensed feminine-singular ex-situ example surfaces with .

                              Surface tone of the stabilizer after a host whose final TBU has the given tone. The stabilizer nē/cē is polar-toned: it surfaces with the opposite tone of the immediately preceding syllable (@cite{newman-2000} §66.1).

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                                Stabilizer tone is polarity (cross-fragment). The stabilizer's surface tone is exactly Tone.polarOf applied to the host's final tone — no separate stipulation. This grounds the polar-tone description of nē/cē in the same operator that handles the genitive linker -n, making the two cases instances of one autosegmental operation rather than parallel idiosyncrasies.

                                Stabilizer-tone involutivity. Iterating the stabilizer-tone map twice returns to the host tone (on the H/L sublattice). Direct corollary of Tone.polarOf_involutive_on_HL.