Hausa Focus and the Stabilizer nē/cē — mathlib-style #
@cite{newman-2000} @cite{jaggar-green-2003} @cite{hartmann-zimmermann-2007}
Hausa expresses focus by two principal strategies (@cite{newman-2000} ch. 28, ch. 66):
- In-situ focus: the focused constituent stays in its canonical position; focus is signaled prosodically (and contextually) without any morphosyntactic reflex.
- Ex-situ focus: the focused constituent fronts to a clause-initial
position. Two morphosyntactic reflexes are diagnostic:
- the stabilizer nē (M / non-feminine-singular) or cē (F.SG) optionally surfaces after the focused phrase, agreeing in gender and number with the focus (@cite{newman-2000} §66.1).
- the clause's TAM shifts to the Relative form (in completive
and continuous; cf.
Hausa/TAM.lean§1).
The Relative-form requirement is the main empirical hook: it ties ex-situ focus to the broader morphological General/Relative split shared with relative clauses and wh-questions (@cite{jaggar-green-2003} argue this is movement to a single CP-internal position, but we stay theory-neutral here and just record the licensing condition).
FocusConfig.Licensed is propositional (Prop with Decidable).
It is not enforced as a Subtype invariant: the structure is
unrestricted, and exSitu_with_genCmp below is an explicit
ill-licensed example used to prove the predicate non-vacuous. The
mkInSitu/mkExSitu constructors are ergonomic helpers; the ex-situ
one takes a proof obligation that licenses what it builds.
The two focus strategies in Hausa. Contrastive vs information focus distinctions cut across both strategies and live in study files.
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- Fragments.Hausa.Focus.instDecidableEqStrategy x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The stabilizer surfaces with two allomorphs in agreement with the focused constituent: cē with feminine-singular focus, nē elsewhere (masculine singular and all plurals). The plural agrees with nē regardless of gender (@cite{newman-2000} §66.1).
- nee : Stabilizer
- cee : Stabilizer
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- Fragments.Hausa.Focus.instDecidableEqStabilizer x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Surface form of the stabilizer.
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Pick the stabilizer for a focused constituent of the given gender and number. The cē allomorph appears iff the focus is feminine AND singular.
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A focused-clause configuration. The Strategy field determines whether the constituent fronts; in the ex-situ case, a stabilizer is optionally inserted and the clause's PAC must surface in Relative mode (when the TAM admits it).
- pac : Inflection.PAC
The clause's PAC (subject + TAM + mode + form).
- strategy : Strategy
The focus strategy.
- focusG : Features.SurfaceGender
The gender of the focused constituent (determines nē vs cē).
- focusSG : Bool
Whether the focused constituent is singular.
- hasStab : Bool
Whether a stabilizer surfaces (optional in ex-situ; absent in-situ).
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Stabilizer realised by this configuration, if any.
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- c.stab? = if c.hasStab = true then some (Fragments.Hausa.Focus.stabilizerFor c.focusG c.focusSG) else none
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A FocusConfig is licensed iff:
- in-situ focus places no constraint on TAM mode, or
- ex-situ focus has the PAC in Relative mode whenever the PAC's TAM admits a Relative form (otherwise vacuously licensed).
This recovers the textbook generalisation that ex-situ focus is incompatible with the General-form completive/continuous, but morphologically vacuous for TAMs that lack a Relative form.
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Smart constructor for an in-situ focus configuration. Always licensed; defaults to no stabilizer (in-situ focus carries no morphological reflex).
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- Fragments.Hausa.Focus.mkInSitu pac focusG focusSG = { pac := pac, strategy := Fragments.Hausa.Focus.Strategy.inSitu, focusG := focusG, focusSG := focusSG, hasStab := false }
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Smart constructor for an ex-situ focus configuration. Takes a proof
that if the TAM admits a Relative form, the PAC's mode is Relative;
licensing then follows immediately (see mkExSitu_licensed).
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- Fragments.Hausa.Focus.mkExSitu pac focusG focusSG hasStab x✝ = { pac := pac, strategy := Fragments.Hausa.Focus.Strategy.exSitu, focusG := focusG, focusSG := focusSG, hasStab := hasStab }
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A FocusConfig built by mkExSitu is licensed: the proof obligation
threaded through the smart constructor is the witness.
Ex-situ focus of a feminine singular NP with the relative completive: fully licensed; surfaces with cē.
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In-situ focus places no morphological constraint: any PAC is OK.
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An unlicensed ex-situ configuration with the General completive, constructed directly to demonstrate that the predicate has bite.
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The focus-configuration registry: licensed examples used downstream.
exSitu_with_genCmp is not in the registry — it is the explicit
counterexample showing the predicate is non-vacuous.
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Stabilizer agreement. The cē allomorph appears exactly with feminine-singular focus; everything else takes nē.
Every registered focus configuration is licensed. The smart constructors guarantee this; the universal theorem records the invariant for the registry as a whole.
Ex-situ + General completive is not licensed. The morphological bite of the predicate.
The licensed feminine-singular ex-situ example surfaces with cē.
Surface tone of the stabilizer after a host whose final TBU has the given tone. The stabilizer nē/cē is polar-toned: it surfaces with the opposite tone of the immediately preceding syllable (@cite{newman-2000} §66.1).
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- x✝.toneAfter host = Fragments.Hausa.Tone.polarOf host
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Stabilizer tone is polarity (cross-fragment). The stabilizer's
surface tone is exactly Tone.polarOf applied to the host's
final tone — no separate stipulation. This grounds the polar-tone
description of nē/cē in the same operator that handles the
genitive linker -n, making the two cases instances of one
autosegmental operation rather than parallel idiosyncrasies.
Stabilizer-tone involutivity. Iterating the stabilizer-tone
map twice returns to the host tone (on the H/L sublattice).
Direct corollary of Tone.polarOf_involutive_on_HL.