Bondarenko 2022: Anatomy of an Attitude #
Embedded CPs receive two denotations, tracking a left-peripheral syntactic distinction (§1.1.1, ex. 1): a Cont-CP denotes a predicate on content individuals via CONT ([Kra06]; [Mou09]; [Mou15]; [Ell20a]) and projects a ContP; a Sit-CP denotes a predicate on minimal exemplifying situations ([Kra89]) and lacks one. ContP is overt in Korean (-ta) and Buryat (gɘ 'say'), null in English and Russian.
Formalized here: equality semantics for displacement (eq. 7) against subset
(eq. 10) and existential (eq. 15), whence the impossibility of true CP
conjunction ([BB21]); Sit-CP transparency vs Cont-CP opacity
(§1.1.1.1 ex. 5-6); and the transparent syntax-semantics mapping thesis
(§1.1.2, ch. 4) — bare CPs compose only as modifiers, nominalized CPs only as
arguments — later attacked by [Ang26] (comparison in
Studies/Angelopoulos2026.lean, per the chronology rule).
Main declarations #
ExistentialContent— the rejected existential semantics (eq. 15)cont_function_blocks_conjunction— equality forces CONT-functionalityReferentiallyTransparentAt,compC_not_transparentAt— the weak transparency contrastsaturatesTheta,bareCP_satisfies_no_theta— the ch. 4 type-mismatch mechanism behind the Causer/Theme/About banstransparentSSMapping,transparentSSMapping_iff_typed— the mapping table and its type-theoretic derivationNominalSort.truthEvaluable,NominalSort.occurrenceCompatible— the ch. 2 co-occurrence asymmetriesContAnalysis,buryatAnalysis,koreanAnalysis— per-language ContP exponence, tied by law to the fragment inventoriescompHead— the Comp head denotation (§2.3 ex. 151)
Implementation notes #
Bare §/ex./eq. locators refer to the dissertation and were verified
against its text. Sections track different chapters: nominal sorts through the
BE2026 bridge follow the ch. 1 summary, the type-theoretic sections ch. 4
(§§4.2-4.5), the co-occurrence and head-denotation sections ch. 2 (§2.2.3,
§2.3). The ch. 1 summary repeats later material: Table 1.1 = Table 4.1, and
ch. 1 ex. 1 = §4.2 ex. 1-2.
Out of scope: ch. 3 clausal coordination (only the conjunction-impossibility
theorem lands here), ch. 5 polarity subjunctives (Russian NPI data,
L-analyticity), and the morphological exposition of ContP, which lives in
Fragments/Buryat/Complementizers.lean and
Fragments/Korean/Complementizers.lean.
Typed paradigm sentences (§2.2.3 ex. 105–112, 120–122; §4.3.1 ex. 30–32) live
in Bondarenko2022.Examples, generated from Data/Examples/Bondarenko2022.json.
Nominal sorts #
The dissertation's typology of nouns combining with embedded CPs (§2.2).
Studies-local: the substrate (ContentIndividual, SituationIndividual)
lives in Semantics/Attitudes/ClauseDenotation/.
- content : NominalSort
Content nouns (§2.2): idea, rumor, hypothesis, claim, fact, lie.
- situation : NominalSort
Situation nouns (§2.2): situation, event, case, circumstance, state of affairs.
Instances For
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.instDecidableEqNominalSort x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.instReprNominalSort = { reprPrec := Bondarenko2022.instReprNominalSort.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Equality vs. subset vs. existential semantics #
§1.1.1.2. The substrate exposes equality as compC and subset as
ContentIndividual.entails; only the existential candidate is new here.
Existential semantics for a Cont-CP (eq. 15): CONT(x) ∩ p ≠ ∅. Rejected
by the thesis in favor of equality (compC, eq. 7); subset is eq. 10.
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.ExistentialContent xc p = ∃ (w : W), xc.cont w ∧ p w
Instances For
Equality is stronger than subset (§1.1.1.2); re-export of
ContentIndividual.eq_implies_entails.
Equality implies existential for nonempty content; the empty-content
witness in ContentIndividual shows the proviso is real.
CP conjunction impossibility #
Equality semantics makes CONT a function, so true CP conjunction is impossible ([BB21], §1.1.1.2).
Equality forces functionality: two contents assigned to the same individual coincide.
Subset does not force functionality: a non-vacuous content individual
entails every superset of its content. Witness over Bool.
Sit-CP transparency vs. Cont-CP opacity #
The substitution test (§2.2.3 ex. 120-122; summarized at ch. 1 ex. 5-6):
coextensional DPs substitute salva veritate under a Sit-NP but not under a
Cont-NP — Cont-CPs are a referentially opaque domain ([Bar81],
[Hig83]). Everywhere-coextensional transparency is
funext-trivial; the substantive notion is transparency at the evaluation
world.
Weak transparency at s: substituting predicates that agree at s
preserves clause truth.
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.ReferentiallyTransparentAt clause s = ∀ (p q : S → Prop), (p s ↔ q s) → (clause p s ↔ clause q s)
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A Sit-CP evaluates at the actual situation, hence is weak-transparent.
compC is not weak-transparent (witness over Bool). This is the
propositional-operator shadow of the §2.2.3 ex. 120 DP-level de dicto claim,
whose binding-theoretic encoding ([Ell20a]'s
CONT-as-content-restrictor) is not yet substrate.
The transparent syntax-semantics mapping thesis #
§1.1.2: bare CPs must compose as modifiers (PM via the situation argument), nominalized CPs as arguments (FA via the DP argument). [Ang26] §7.3 attacks this thesis.
The four logically possible (clause shape, composition path) combinations.
- bareModifier : ClauseStructurePath
Bare CP composing via Predicate Modification (modifier path).
- bareArgument : ClauseStructurePath
Bare CP composing via Functional Application (argument path).
- nominalizedModifier : ClauseStructurePath
Nominalized CP composing via Predicate Modification.
- nominalizedArgument : ClauseStructurePath
Nominalized CP composing via Functional Application.
Instances For
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.instDecidableEqClauseStructurePath x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The mapping thesis as a four-cell table (§1.1.2, ch. 4): the off-diagonal
cells are impossible. Paper-fidelity bookkeeping —
transparentSSMapping_iff_typed derives the cells from the type-theoretic
apparatus; [Ang26] attacks the bareArgument cell with Greek
oti/pu.
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.transparentSSMapping Bondarenko2022.ClauseStructurePath.bareModifier = True
- Bondarenko2022.transparentSSMapping Bondarenko2022.ClauseStructurePath.bareArgument = False
- Bondarenko2022.transparentSSMapping Bondarenko2022.ClauseStructurePath.nominalizedModifier = False
- Bondarenko2022.transparentSSMapping Bondarenko2022.ClauseStructurePath.nominalizedArgument = True
Instances For
The (bare, argument) cell is empty — the cell [Ang26] attacks
(see Angelopoulos2026).
The (nominalized, modifier) cell is empty.
The diagonal cells are available.
Composition paths (Table 1.1) #
Table 1.1's two composition paths: PM with the verb's situation argument, or FA into a DP argument slot.
- viaSituation : CompositionPath
- viaDPArgument : CompositionPath
Instances For
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.instDecidableEqCompositionPath x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Table 1.1 (attitude and speech verbs; occurrence verbs are exempt,
§4.3.3): the (Sit-CP, viaSituation) cell is unattested — intersective
combination yields always-trivially-false sentences.
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.attestedCombination Bondarenko2022.NominalSort.content x✝ = True
- Bondarenko2022.attestedCombination Bondarenko2022.NominalSort.situation Bondarenko2022.CompositionPath.viaDPArgument = True
- Bondarenko2022.attestedCombination Bondarenko2022.NominalSort.situation Bondarenko2022.CompositionPath.viaSituation = False
Instances For
The (Sit-CP, viaSituation) cell is empty by semantic triviality (§1.1.2).
Bridge to BondarenkoElliott2026 #
Bondarenko & Elliott 2026's MSI/MSO/TECM apparatus presupposes the
equality semantics CONT(x) = ⟦S⟧ defended here; the cross-file bridge awaits
a stable BE2026 lemma (this file does not import BE2026).
Type-theoretic apparatus (§4.2) #
The §4.4 bans are type-theoretic, not structural: bare CPs are ⟨e,t⟩, nominalized CPs ⟨e⟩, Θ-heads require ⟨e⟩; N/D presence is the exponence of the type-shift, not its cause. In Bare Phrase Structure the X-bar argument/modifier distinction is gone, so the "modifier" claim is semantic.
The two semantic types the derivation uses: saturated ⟨e⟩ vs unsaturated ⟨e,t⟩.
Instances For
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.instDecidableEqSemType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.instReprSemType = { reprPrec := Bondarenko2022.instReprSemType.repr }
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The bare-vs-nominalized cut (§4.2), named by semantic content per Bare Phrase Structure.
- predicateOfIndividuals : ClauseType
Nominalized CP: type ⟨e⟩. Buryat participial nominalization, with or without the say-root gɘ (§4.3.1 ex. 31–32); Korean -nun + kes clause.
- predicateOfSituations : ClauseType
Bare CP: type ⟨e,t⟩, predicate over (minimal) situations. Buryat gɘžɘ-clause; Korean -ko-clause; Russian bare čto-clause.
Instances For
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.instDecidableEqClauseType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Equations
- Bondarenko2022.instReprClauseType = { reprPrec := Bondarenko2022.instReprClauseType.repr }
Nominalized → individual, bare → predicate.
Equations
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Equations
- Bondarenko2022.instDecidableEqThetaHead x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.instReprThetaHead = { reprPrec := Bondarenko2022.instReprThetaHead.repr }
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Every Θ-head requires an individual argument.
Equations
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A clause type saturates a Θ-head iff its semantic type matches the head's required type (§4.2).
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.saturatesTheta ct θ = (ct.semanticType = θ.requiredType)
Instances For
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.instDecidableSaturatesTheta ct θ = id inferInstance
Causer, Theme, About (§4.4) #
The three bans are one type-mismatch mechanism, not three stipulations.
§4.4.1: bare CPs cannot be Causers.
§4.4.2: bare CPs cannot be Theme-arguments; cf. the explain-class data ([Pie00], [HS13], [Ell16], [RU21]).
§4.4.3: bare CPs cannot be About-arguments.
Bare CPs satisfy no Θ-head (§4.4).
Nominalized CPs satisfy every Θ-head.
The modifier path (§4.5) #
Bare CPs compose with the verb's situation argument by Predicate Modification;
composesViaPM is the qualitative projection of the Modifier.intersective
substrate (Semantics/Modification/Basic.lean), whose Frame-typed
instantiation is queued.
PM-compatibility with a verbal situation argument: bare CPs qualify, nominalized CPs do not.
Equations
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§4.5: bare CPs are verbal modifiers.
Nominalized CPs compose via FA, not PM (§4.5).
Deriving the mapping table #
The table's cell values, derived from the type-theoretic predicates.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
- Bondarenko2022.transparentSSMappingDerived Bondarenko2022.ClauseStructurePath.bareModifier = Bondarenko2022.composesViaPM Bondarenko2022.ClauseType.predicateOfSituations
- Bondarenko2022.transparentSSMappingDerived Bondarenko2022.ClauseStructurePath.nominalizedModifier = Bondarenko2022.composesViaPM Bondarenko2022.ClauseType.predicateOfIndividuals
Instances For
The §1.1.2 table agrees cell-by-cell with the type-theoretic derivation: the four-cell pattern is derived, not stipulated.
Cross-linguistic ContP exponence #
Per-language Cont-exponence analyses (ch. 4), tied by law to the fragment
inventories. Buryat carries the licenser-conditioned Comp allomorphy (§4.3.1
ex. 33); Korean's parallel rule (§4.3.2 ex. 46) is not yet law-checked, so its
witness stays at ContAnalysis. [Cac25]'s Tigrinya extension lives
in Studies/Cacchioli2025.lean per the chronology rule.
A Cont-exponence analysis of one language's clause-typing inventory
(ch. 4): the morpheme, if any, overtly exponing Cont (none = null exponence:
English, Russian). A structure, not a class — rival frameworks construct
rival witnesses.
- inventory : List Complementizer
The fragment inventory analyzed.
- contExponent : Option Complementizer
The overt Cont exponent, if any.
- contExponent_mem (c : Complementizer) : c ∈ self.contExponent → c ∈ self.inventory
The exponent is drawn from the inventory.
Instances For
A full Cont/Comp head assignment: ContAnalysis plus the
licenser-conditioned Comp allomorphy and its laws.
- inventory : List Complementizer
- contExponent : Option Complementizer
- compAllomorph : Complementizer.Licenser → Complementizer
Comp allomorph selected by the licensing category.
- compAllomorph_mem (l : Complementizer.Licenser) : self.compAllomorph l ∈ self.inventory
- licenser_compAllomorph (l : Complementizer.Licenser) : (self.compAllomorph l).licenser = some l
The selected allomorph reproduces the fragment's distribution datum.
- cover (c : Complementizer) : c ∈ self.inventory → c ∈ self.contExponent ∨ ∃ (l : Complementizer.Licenser), self.compAllomorph l = c
Head assignment is exhaustive over the inventory.
Instances For
Buryat (§4.3.1 ex. 33): gɘ expones Cont; the suffixes are Comp allomorphs — participial -Aːša next to nominal projections, converbial -žA next to verbs.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Korean (§4.3.2 ex. 46; cf. [BAM18]): -ta expones Cont; adnominal -nun and adverbal -ko are the Comp allomorphs, parallel to Buryat ex. 33.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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In Buryat the Cont exponent is exactly the non-suffixal say-root — a
Buryat-specific alignment, not a ContAnalysis law (Korean's -ta is itself
a suffix).
Each of hanaxa's two frames (§4.4.3) is realized by exactly one clause-typer — bare by converbial -žA, nominalized by participial -Aːša — and the say-root gɘ realizes neither.
hanaxa think~remember (§4.4.3): the attitude flips with the frame —
nonveridical/opaque on the bare CP, veridical on the nominalized
frame. Previously unstateable: attitude was per-lexeme.
Noun-predicate co-occurrence (§2.2.3) #
Cont-NPs combine with truth-evaluable predicates, Sit-NPs do not
(ex. 105-107); Sit-NPs combine with occurrence predicates, Cont-NPs do not
(ex. 108-112). Both asymmetries project the NominalSort distinction:
contents are truth-evaluated, situations occur.
Combines with 'true' / 'false' / 'mistaken' (ex. 105-107).
Equations
Instances For
Combines with 'occur' / 'happen' (Russian proizojti, slučit'sja; Korean ilena) — ex. 108-112. The footnote-28 hedge on alachay is aggregated with the main paradigm.
Equations
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Equations
Cont and Comp head denotations (§2.3) #
Ex. 150: ⟦Cont⟧ = λp.λx. CONT(x) = p — exactly the substrate compC.
Ex. 151: ⟦Comp⟧ = λp.λx. x ⊑ s ∧ x ⊩ p — parthood plus exact exemplification.
The dissertation's own abbreviation of ex. 151 drops the anchoring conjunct;
its footnote 37 notes the anchoring matters in §5.2.3 (clauses as restrictors
of existential quantifiers). compHead keeps it.
Ex. 150 is the existing compC — the ch. 2 proposal introduces no new
machinery. The equality shape is further defended in §2.4 (no-stacking,
ex. 171; the fact definiteness, ex. 177-178; the complex-claim argument,
ex. 183-184), unformalized.
Ex. 151: x is part of the evaluation situation and exactly verifies p
(verifier-membership, vs the part-existential inexactVer of
Semantics/Truthmaker/Inexact.lean).
Equations
- Bondarenko2022.compHead p x evalSit = (x ≤ evalSit ∧ p x)
Instances For
Exact exemplification implies inexact: a verifier is a part of itself
(cf. inexactVer_of_exact).