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Studies.Angelopoulos2026

Angelopoulos 2026: on clausal complementation, once more #

Greek oti- and pu-clauses are in near-complementary distribution after verbs, are internal arguments and derived subjects but never external arguments, and a pu-complement forces a stative matrix verb where adverbial and relative pu does not. The analysis reverses selection: oti and pu carry an [n]-feature checked by a light noun in their specifier, which must incorporate into a lexical verbal head — possible from the complement position but not from Spec,vP, whose nearest host is T, nor after P. The complementizers sort their clauses as content (oti) and situation (pu), and the incorporating noun must match, so a verb's sort fixes its complementizer; situations anchor to the evaluation world, whence pu's factivity. The stativity restriction is the selectional feature of the aspectual heads introducing internal arguments: vState takes otiP or puP, vEvent only otiP, and adjunct pu, which selects its host rather than being selected, escapes it. Bare oti-clauses are true complements that compose as modifiers, against the transparent syntax–semantics mapping.

Main definitions #

References #

Sorts and aspectual selection #

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def Angelopoulos2026.clauseSort (c : Complementizer) :
Option Bondarenko2022.NominalSort

The sort of clause each complementizer introduces — oti content, pu situation, na neither (§3.2); the sorted complementizers are the light-noun selectors of §3.1.

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    inductive Angelopoulos2026.AspectualHead :
    Type

    Aspectual heads introducing internal arguments (§4.1).

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      @[instance_reducible]
      instance Angelopoulos2026.instDecidableEqAspectualHead :
      DecidableEq AspectualHead
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      def Angelopoulos2026.AspectualHead.ofVendler (vc : Aspect.VendlerClass) :
      AspectualHead

      The aspectual head a verb's Vendler class determines.

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        def Angelopoulos2026.selectsClause :
        AspectualHead → Complementizer → Prop

        vState selects otiP or puP, vEvent only otiP — the stativity restriction as a selectional feature (§4.1, fn. 19).

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          @[instance_reducible]
          instance Angelopoulos2026.instDecidableSelectsClause (h : AspectualHead) (c : Complementizer) :
          Decidable (selectsClause h c)
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          theorem Angelopoulos2026.pu_requires_stative {h : AspectualHead} (hp : selectsClause h Greek.StandardModern.Complementizers.pu) :
          h = AspectualHead.vState

          A pu-complement forces the stative head (§2.3).

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          def Angelopoulos2026.Predicted (v : Verb) (s : Bondarenko2022.NominalSort) (c : Complementizer) :
          Prop

          A verb of sort s takes complementizer c iff c imposes s and the verb's aspectual head selects c's clause.

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            @[instance_reducible]
            instance Angelopoulos2026.instDecidablePredicted (v : Verb) (s : Bondarenko2022.NominalSort) (c : Complementizer) :
            Decidable (Predicted v s c)
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            def Angelopoulos2026.lexicon :
            List (String × Verb × Bondarenko2022.NominalSort)

            The sample verbs with the sort of noun each verbalizes (§3.2: saying, belief, and knowledge verbs are content-denoting like rumor, emotive factives situation-denoting like sadness), keyed as in the example rows; thimame splits into its attitude and perception senses (fn. 16), and simveni 'happen' is a situation verb (fn. 14).

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              def Angelopoulos2026.Complementizer.ofString? :
              String → Option Complementizer
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                theorem Angelopoulos2026.rows_track_selection (r : Datum) :
                r ∈ Examples.all → r.feature? "confound" = none → ∀ e ∈ ((r.feature? "verb").bind fun (name : String) => List.lookup name lexicon).toList, ∀ c ∈ ((r.feature? "complementizer").bind Complementizer.ofString?).toList, r.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ Predicted e.1 e.2 c

                Every verb–complementizer pairing in the paper's examples, apart from those testing an adverb, a factivity continuation or the ban on a preposition, is acceptable exactly when predicted from the verb's sort and Vendler class — including simveni, which no complementizer fits (fn. 14).

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                theorem Angelopoulos2026.rows_stativity (r : Datum) :
                r ∈ Examples.all → r.feature? "confound" = some "manner_adverb" → ∀ c ∈ ((r.feature? "complementizer").bind Complementizer.ofString?).toList, r.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ c = Greek.StandardModern.Complementizers.oti

                Under a manner adverb or an in-adverbial, a pu-complement is never acceptable while an oti-complement of an eventive verb is (§2.3).

                Incorporation licensing and the argument asymmetry (§3.1) #

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                inductive Angelopoulos2026.NounHost :
                Type

                Heads adjacent to a clause's light noun.

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                  @[instance_reducible]
                  instance Angelopoulos2026.instDecidableEqNounHost :
                  DecidableEq NounHost
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                  def Angelopoulos2026.NounHost.licenses :
                  NounHost → Prop

                  Only a lexical verbal head hosts light-noun incorporation; T and P do not.

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                    @[instance_reducible]
                    instance Angelopoulos2026.instDecidablePredNounHostLicenses :
                    DecidablePred NounHost.licenses
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                    inductive Angelopoulos2026.ClausePosition :
                    Type

                    Positions a bare clause can be merged in.

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                      @[instance_reducible]
                      instance Angelopoulos2026.instDecidableEqClausePosition :
                      DecidableEq ClausePosition
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                      def Angelopoulos2026.ClausePosition.nearestHost :
                      ClausePosition → NounHost

                      The nearest potential host from each position: the aspectual v from the complement position (before any movement to subject), T from Spec,vP, P after a preposition.

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                        def Angelopoulos2026.licensedIn (pos : ClausePosition) :
                        Prop

                        A bare clause is licensed where its nearest host licenses incorporation.

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                          @[instance_reducible]
                          instance Angelopoulos2026.instDecidablePredClausePositionLicensedIn :
                          DecidablePred licensedIn
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                          def Angelopoulos2026.ClausePosition.ofString? :
                          String → Option ClausePosition
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                            theorem Angelopoulos2026.rows_track_licensing (r : Datum) :
                            r ∈ Examples.all → r.feature? "nominalized" = none → ∀ pos ∈ ((r.feature? "position").bind ClausePosition.ofString?).toList, licensedIn pos ↔ r.judgment ≠ Judgment.ungrammatical

                            Across the paper's bare clauses, grammaticality in a position is incorporation licensing from it: internal arguments and derived subjects in, external arguments and P-complements out. Nominalized clauses carry a full noun and are exempt (§5).

                            Content and situation (§3.2) #

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                            def Angelopoulos2026.NominalSort.ofString? :
                            String → Option Bondarenko2022.NominalSort
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                              theorem Angelopoulos2026.rows_sort_diagnostics (r : Datum) :
                              r ∈ Examples.all → ∀ s ∈ ((r.feature? "nounSort").bind NominalSort.ofString?).toList, (r.feature? "diagnostic" = some "truth-predicates" → (r.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ s.truthEvaluable)) ∧ (r.feature? "diagnostic" = some "occurrence-predicates" → (r.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ s.occurrenceCompatible))

                              The sort diagnostics on nouns and nominalized verbs: truth predicates accept content and reject situations, occurrence predicates the reverse ((33)–(34), (36)–(37)).

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                              theorem Angelopoulos2026.situation_clause_factive (c : Complementizer) :
                              c ∈ Greek.StandardModern.Complementizers.complementizers → clauseSort c = some Bondarenko2022.NominalSort.situation → c.factive = some true

                              The situation-sorted complementizer is the lexically factive one.

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                              theorem Angelopoulos2026.oti_pu_lexically_distinct :
                              clauseSort Greek.StandardModern.Complementizers.oti ≠ clauseSort Greek.StandardModern.Complementizers.pu ∧ Roussou2010.profile Greek.StandardModern.Complementizers.oti ≠ Roussou2010.profile Greek.StandardModern.Complementizers.pu

                              oti and pu are distinct lexical items here (content vs situation) as in [Rou10] (indefinite vs definite), against fn. 17's allomorphy alternative.

                              Factivity from situation semantics (§3.2) #

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                              def Angelopoulos2026.Anchored {S : Type u_1} {X : Type u_2} (verb : X → SituationIndividual S → S → Prop) :
                              Prop

                              A situation verb is anchored when it relates agents only to situations realized at the evaluation situation.

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                                theorem Angelopoulos2026.pu_report_factive {S : Type u_1} {X : Type u_2} {verb : X → SituationIndividual S → S → Prop} (h : Anchored verb) (a : X) (q : S → Prop) (s : S) :
                                Anchor.existsClosure verb a q s → q s

                                An anchored verb's pu-report entails its complement — pu's factivity from situation semantics (38b).

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                                theorem Angelopoulos2026.content_report_not_factive :
                                ¬∀ (verb : Unit → ContentIndividual Bool → Bool → Prop) (a : Unit) (p : Bool → Prop) (w : Bool), Anchor.existsClosure verb a p w → p w

                                Content reports carry no such entailment (38a).

                                Against the transparent syntax–semantics mapping (§7.3) #

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                                theorem Angelopoulos2026.transparency_conflates_axes :
                                ¬Bondarenko2022.transparentSSMapping Bondarenko2022.ClauseStructurePath.bareArgument ∧ ∃ r ∈ Examples.all, r.feature? "position" = some "internal_argument" ∧ r.feature? "diagnostic" = some "clitic-doubling" ∧ r.feature? "composition" = some "predicate_modification"

                                A clitic-doubled bare oti-clause is a complement with the explanans reading, composing as a modifier: the cell [Bon22]'s transparent mapping leaves empty is filled.