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Linglib.Studies.AlexandropoulouGotzner2024a

Alexandropoulou and Gotzner (2024a): relative and absolute adjectives under negation #

Two rating experiments set Horn's face-based account of negative strengthening against Krifka's complexity-based one on three kinds of negated antonym pairs: weak relative (not large vs not small), weak absolute (not clean vs not dirty) and strong (not gigantic vs not tiny, not pristine vs not filthy). The accounts' applicability conditions differ — Horn needs a semantic extension gap, Krifka's M-principle needs semantically equivalent competitors — so the three cases pull them apart (the paper's Table 1).

The predictions are computed from the mechanisms over the four surface forms: Horn's R-strengthening of the face-threatening negated positive and Q/R middling of the double negative (hornRanges), Krifka's BiOT quadruplet from Krifka2007b (krifkaRanges), and its NACH extension as a comparison of complexity deviations (deviation). The gap condition is read off the Fragment's antonym classification. The reported findings — an asymmetry for weak relatives only — confirm Horn on the weak cases, refute both Krifka variants, and leave Horn's strong-adjective prediction unsupported.

References #

Design cells #

Adjective type × informational strength; Table 1 pools the two strong cells.

  • weakRelative : Cell
  • weakAbsolute : Cell
  • strongRelative : Cell
  • strongAbsolute : Cell
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    The pair leaves a semantic extension gap: its antonyms are contrary.

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      Only the weak absolute pair lacks a gap.

      Communicated ranges #

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      The scale regions each surface form may communicate.

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        Positive and negative forms communicate mirror-image ranges.

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          Krifka's ranges: the BiOT quadruplet of Krifka2007b.

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            The Negative Adjectives Complexity Hypothesis #

            Form complexity with (true) or without (false) NACH. Under NACH the negative adjective carries a covert negative morpheme, so small counts like unhappy; without it the simple antonyms are equally simple and their negations equally complex.

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              Excess complexity of a form over its co-extensive simple form — the amount of stereotype deviation the M-principle assigns it.

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                Without NACH both negated forms deviate equally from their antonyms; with it not small deviates more from large than not large does from small.

                Table 1 #

                Horn's prediction, where a semantic gap makes the account applicable.

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                  Krifka's prediction, with or without NACH: the M-principle needs semantically equivalent competitors, which only weak pairs provide (by bivalence for relatives, by entailment for absolutes).

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                    Findings #

                    The reported interpretation patterns. Experiment 1 found a Negation effect for weak relatives (β = 0.64, p < .01) and none with strong as the reference level (p = 0.86); Experiment 2 found none for weak absolutes (p = 0.17) and only a marginal one for strong absolutes (p = 0.07).

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                      Horn is confirmed wherever it applies to a weak pair.

                      Horn's asymmetry for strong pairs is not observed.

                      Krifka's original account fails on weak relatives, its NACH extension on weak absolutes.

                      A semantic extension gap is a precondition for negative strengthening.

                      Rows #

                      The surface form of a statement row, from its polarity and negation conditions.

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                        theorem AlexandropoulouGotzner2024a.negated_iff_not (row : Data.Examples.LinguisticExample) :
                        row Examples.allnrow.feature? "negation", n = "negated" " not ".toList <:+: row.primaryText.toList

                        A statement is in a negated condition exactly when it contains not.