Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Aissen2003Agreement

Differential Indexing #

[Ais03] [Jus24] [Has19] [Sie04] [Pre14] [Has21]

Formalizes the typological survey of Just, E. (2024), A structural and functional comparison of differential A and P indexing (Linguistics 62(2): 295–321), and connects it to [Ais03]'s DOM profiles (Features/Prominence), [Pre14]'s φ-geometry (Syntax/Minimalist/Phi/), and the Kaqchikel, Basque, Georgian, and Hungarian fragments.

Flagging = case morphology on the NP; indexing = verbal agreement/cross-referencing ([Has19], Just §2). The same prominence scales (person, animacy, definiteness) govern both, with opposite polarity by role (Just §4.2, p. 311): P indexing targets prominent Ps, A indexing targets non-prominent As. Both follow from a single principle (Just §6, p. 315): prominent arguments are indexed more readily regardless of role; A defaults prominent, P does not.

Main declarations #

Person prominence for differential indexing.

The person scale for indexing is a binary split between speech act participants (SAP: 1st/2nd person) and non-participants (3rd person). This mirrors [Pre14]'s [±participant] feature decomposition.

This is coarser than Person (1st > 2nd > 3rd), which is needed for scenario splits. The binary split suffices for indexing because indexing does not distinguish 1st from 2nd.

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      Rank on the indexing person scale: SAP (1) > 3rd (0).

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        A differential indexing fragment for a single language.

        Extends DifferentialMarkingProfile with language metadata and per-dimension marking predicates. The 2D marks predicate is computed from animacyIndexed and definitenessIndexed by the mk' constructor, and the channel is always .indexing.

        For P indexing: true at a level means "P arguments at this level ARE indexed." The expectation (Just §4.2) is that P indexing targets the prominent end of each scale.

        For A indexing: true at a level means "A arguments at this level ARE indexed." The expectation is that A indexing targets the non-prominent end.

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          def Aissen2003.IndexingFragment.mk' (name iso639 family : String) (role : Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole) (personIndexed : IndexingPersonLevelBool) (animacyIndexed : Features.Prominence.AnimacyLevelBool) (definitenessIndexed : Features.Prominence.DefinitenessLevelBool) :

          Smart constructor for IndexingFragment. Computes the 2D marks predicate as the product of animacyIndexed and definitenessIndexed, and sets channel :=.indexing.

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            A dimension is conditioning if the marking predicate is non-uniform: some levels are indexed and some are not.

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              At least one dimension conditions the indexing (i.e., is non-uniform).

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                P indexing has correct polarity if it targets the PROMINENT end: SAP over 3rd, human over inanimate, definite over nonspecific.

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                  A indexing has correct polarity if it targets the NON-PROMINENT end: 3rd over SAP, inanimate over human, nonspecific over definite.

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                    Role-appropriate polarity check. T behaves like P (targets prominent), R behaves like A (targets non-prominent). S is vacuously correct.

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                      Languages where the P argument is differentially indexed. Prominent Ps (SAP, human, definite) are MORE likely to be indexed.

                      Marking predicates encode the actual pattern per scale. For scales that
                      are not conditioning, the predicate is uniformly `true` (all levels
                      indexed). For conditioning scales, the predicate marks the prominent
                      end as `true` and the non-prominent end as `false`.
                      
                      Source references are from [just-2024]. 
                      

                      Abkhaz (NW Caucasian): P indexed only for SAP.

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                        Amharic (Semitic): P indexed for SAP and definite objects.

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                          Basque (Isolate): object agreement only for SAP objects.

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                            Georgian (Kartvelian): P agreement conditioned by person — indirect objects (dative) are indexed for SAP only.

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                              Hungarian (Uralic): definite conjugation triggered by definite objects; indefinite conjugation for indefinite objects. See also Hungarian.Predicates for the conjugation split.

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                                Kagulu (Bantu): object marker for animate+ objects.

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                                  KiNzadi (Bantu): P indexed for SAP only.

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                                    Koorete (Omotic): P indexed for SAP only.

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                                      Maltese (Semitic): definite object agreement — verb agrees with definite objects via suffixed object markers (Just & Čéplö 2022).

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                                        Nkore-Kiga (Bantu): object marker for SAP objects.

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                                          Romanian (Romance): clitic doubling conditioned by person, animacy, and definiteness. SAP + human + definite = doubled.

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                                            Somali (Cushitic): P indexed for SAP — full paradigm for SAP objects, reduced for 3rd person. Focus/topicality also plays a role but is not captured in the prominence grid.

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                                              Swahili (Bantu): object marker obligatory for human objects, optional/ absent for non-human.

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                                                Teiwa (Trans-New Guinea): P indexed for animate objects.

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                                                  Welsh (Celtic): synthetic agreement only with pronominal (SAP) objects; analytic (no agreement) with 3rd person full NPs.

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                                                    Zulu (Bantu): object marker for animate objects.

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                                                      Spoken Arabic varieties (Semitic): P indexed for SAP only — object suffixes restricted to pronominal objects.

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                                                        Languages where the A argument is differentially indexed. Non-prominent As (3rd person, inanimate, indefinite) are MORE likely to be indexed. The polarity is REVERSED relative to P indexing.

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                                                        Jamsay (Dogon): A indexed only for 3rd person agents — SAP agents are not cross-referenced on the verb.

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                                                          Kharia (Munda): A indexed for 3rd person agents.

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                                                            Mundari (Munda): A indexed for 3rd person agents.

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                                                              Juang (Munda): A indexed for 3rd person agents.

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                                                                Anywa (Nilotic): A indexed for 3rd person agents only — SAP agents are not cross-referenced.

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                                                                  Reyesano (Tacanan): A indexed for 3rd person and non-human agents.

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                                                                    Eastern Mansi (Uralic): A indexed for indefinite/non-topical agents.

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                                                                      All differential P indexing languages in the sample.

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                                                                        All P indexing languages have role P.

                                                                        All A indexing languages have role A.

                                                                        All profiles are genuinely differential (at least one conditioning factor is non-uniform). Derived from the marking predicates.

                                                                        The collections below are COMPUTED from the marking predicates via personConditioned, animacyConditioned, definitenessConditioned — if a language's marking predicate changes, they update automatically.

                                                                        P indexing languages conditioned by person (derived).

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                                                                          P indexing languages conditioned by animacy (derived).

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                                                                            P indexing languages conditioned by definiteness (derived).

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                                                                              A indexing languages conditioned by person (derived).

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                                                                                Person is the most common conditioning factor for P indexing: more P-indexing languages are person-conditioned than animacy- or definiteness-conditioned.

                                                                                Person is the most common conditioning factor for A indexing: more A-indexing languages are person-conditioned than animacy- or definiteness-conditioned.

                                                                                "The very same referential properties condition both differential P and differential A indexing."

                                                                                Person conditions both P and A indexing.

                                                                                Animacy conditions both P and A indexing.

                                                                                Definiteness conditions both P and A indexing.

                                                                                "The directions in which these scales operate form a mirror image: indexing targets prominent P arguments on the one hand and non-prominent A arguments on the other."

                                                                                All P indexing languages have correct polarity: they target the prominent end of each conditioning scale.

                                                                                All A indexing languages have correct polarity: they target the non-prominent end of each conditioning scale.

                                                                                The mirror image holds universally across the sample: every language has role-appropriate polarity.

                                                                                For languages where animacy and/or definiteness condition indexing, we verify monotonicity of the inherited DifferentialMarkingProfile on the 2D grid. The marks predicate is derived from the fragment's animacyIndexed and definitenessIndexed — no separate stipulation.

                                                                                All animacy/definiteness-conditioned profiles are monotone.

                                                                                Swahili P indexing depends only on animacy (definiteness is irrelevant).

                                                                                Kagulu P indexing depends only on animacy.

                                                                                Hungarian P indexing depends only on definiteness (animacy is irrelevant).

                                                                                Eastern Mansi A indexing depends only on definiteness.

                                                                                theorem Aissen2003.bantu_all_P :
                                                                                (allIndexingLanguages.all fun (p : IndexingFragment) => if (p.family == "Bantu") = true then p.role == Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole.P else true) = true

                                                                                Bantu languages in the sample all show P indexing.

                                                                                theorem Aissen2003.munda_all_A :
                                                                                (allIndexingLanguages.all fun (p : IndexingFragment) => if (p.family == "Austroasiatic (Munda)") = true then p.role == Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole.A else true) = true

                                                                                Munda languages in the sample all show A indexing.

                                                                                "Prominent arguments, be it A or P (or probably any other role), tend to be indexed more readily than arguments which are low in identifiability, animacy or topicality."

                                                                                The mirror image is NOT a coincidence — it follows from a single
                                                                                principle (indexing tracks prominent referents) combined with different
                                                                                default prominence per role (A defaults high, P defaults low). 
                                                                                

                                                                                For every person-conditioned P-indexing language, SAP is indexed (= prominent P gets indexed).

                                                                                For every person-conditioned A-indexing language, 3rd person is indexed (= non-prominent A gets indexed, because A's default is prominent).

                                                                                The unified principle predicts that the COMPLEMENT of "indexed" differs by role: P-indexing excludes 3rd person, A-indexing excludes SAP. Both follow from "index the prominent referent" + role defaults.

                                                                                DOMProfile is an abbreviation for DifferentialMarkingProfile (specialized to role P + channel flagging), and IndexingFragment extends DifferentialMarkingProfile (with channel = .indexing). Both DOM profiles and indexing fragments inherit all DMP infrastructure (monotonicity, dimensionality, cutoff constructors, mirror image) directly — no conversion or bridge theorems needed.

                                                                                Just's binary person split (SAP vs 3rd) is exactly Preminger's [±participant] feature decomposition.

                                                                                Kaqchikel indexes both A and P arguments uniformly across all person-number combinations. This is a NON-differential system: there is no prominence-based asymmetry in which arguments get indexed.

                                                                                [just-2024] defines differential indexing against this kind of
                                                                                baseline: a differential system is one where indexing depends on
                                                                                prominence properties. 
                                                                                

                                                                                Kaqchikel indexes all three argument positions (agent, patient, intranS). This makes it non-differential: no prominence condition gates indexing.

                                                                                Both A (agent) and P (patient) are indexed in Kaqchikel: agent via Set A on Voice/v, patient via Set B on Infl/T.

                                                                                Person is the dominant conditioning factor for both P indexing and A indexing (§10). The structural correlate is that the [participant] probe (π⁰) takes priority over the [plural] probe (#⁰) under the two-probe relativized-probing system [BR03] — NOT a salience hierarchy. [Pre14] Ch. 7 explicitly argues against direct salience-scale primitives; the rank ordering below is a surface effect of probe priority, not a hierarchy-as-grammatical-primitive. See Studies/Preminger2014.lean for the anti-hierarchy theorems.

                                                                                Two-probe surface ranking [BR03]: [+participant] cells outrank [+plural,−participant] cells, which outrank 3SG. The typological frequency hierarchy (person > animacy > definiteness) parallels this — person features are both structurally privileged at the probe level and typologically dominant in indexing systems.

                                                                                The Basque agreement fragment (Basque.Agreement) encodes the same person-conditioned P indexing that [Jus24] reports. We prove that the Fragment's pIsIndexed matches the survey data.

                                                                                Basque Fragment confirms differential P indexing: some indexed, some not.

                                                                                The Georgian agreement fragment (Georgian.Agreement) derives P indexing from the presence of object agreement prefixes (m-, g-, gv-). The indexed/not-indexed split aligns with SAP vs 3rd — same as the Just survey data.

                                                                                Georgian Fragment's P indexing is grounded in object prefix morphology: indexed iff the object paradigm realizes the cell. Not stipulated — follows from the data.

                                                                                The Hungarian predicate fragment (Hungarian.Predicates) models the definite/indefinite conjugation split. This IS Just's differential P indexing by definiteness: the verb's agreement paradigm changes depending on whether the object is definite.

                                                                                The fragment's `formPastDef ≠ formPastIndef` encodes the same claim
                                                                                as the Just survey entry `hungarian.definitenessConditioned`. 
                                                                                

                                                                                Hungarian verbs have distinct definite vs indefinite conjugation forms. This IS the morphological reflex of differential P indexing by definiteness.

                                                                                Hungarian is definiteness-conditioned (derived from the marking predicate), confirming the Fragment's conjugation split.

                                                                                Hungarian is NOT person-conditioned — all persons can trigger both conjugation types.