Dryer (2013): WALS chapters on negation morpheme + word-order (112A, 143A, 144A) #
@cite{dryer-2013-wals} @cite{wals-2013}
WALS chapters by Matthew S. Dryer covering negation typology:
- Ch 112A: Negative Morphemes
- Ch 143A: Order of Negative Morpheme and Verb
- Ch 144A: Position of Negative Word with Respect to Subject, Object, Verb
Per the project's "WALS goes to Linglib/Typology/" rule, the WALS aggregate
distributions live in the substrate (Linglib/Typology/Negation.lean). This
study file holds cross-linguistic generalisations that consume the
Fragment-side negationProfile data with non-trivial semantic content
(bipartite_implies_asymmetric, aux_verb_implies_afin, etc.).
Per-language Fragment-vs-WALS data-equality theorems are deliberately
absent: Fragments.{Lang}.Negation.negationProfile already encodes the
typed value at definition site, and verifying it equals
Data.WALS.lookup "iso" is "encoding conclusions as definitions" — the
two would have to diverge for the theorem to fail, and the substrate's
NegationSystem.ofISO already populates from the same WALS source.
Ch 113-115 (Miestamo's symmetric/asymmetric chapters) are grounded in
Studies/Miestamo2005.lean.
The 15-language sample drawn from per-language Fragment Negation files. Sample shrunk from the dissolved file's 19 (dropped Izi, KolymaYukaghir, Rama, Nelemwa — none of which had Fragment files in the project).
Equations
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Instances For
Sample size.
Morpheme type distribution in the sample.
Symmetry distribution in the sample.
In the sample, every language with bipartite ("double") negation morphemes has asymmetric negation. If negation requires two markers whose placement changes the clause structure, the negative clause structurally differs from the affirmative.
In the sample, every language classified as symmetric-only (Ch 113) has a non-assignable asymmetry subtype (Ch 114).
In the sample, no language classified as asymmetric or both has a non-assignable subtype.
Negative auxiliary verbs (Ch 112) are always associated with asymmetric negation of subtype A/Fin: the auxiliary becomes the finite element, and the lexical verb is deficitized. Finnish illustrates this perfectly.
All Slavic languages in the sample (Russian, Czech) show negative concord.