Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Constructions.Resultatives.Studies.Levin2026

Levin (2026): The door pushed open #

@cite{levin-2026}

The door pushed open: an English intransitive resultative construction with transitive-only verbs. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 35:3.

Core contribution #

Identifies a neglected class of English intransitive resultatives — The door pushed open, The cork pulled free, The door slammed shut — where the base verb is transitive-only outside the construction. These verbs (push, slam, pull) cannot occur intransitively without the result phrase: *The door pushed.

Proposes that these "intr-push open" resultatives are the anticausative variant of the causative alternation, with their transitive counterparts (Pat pushed the door open) as the causative variant. The resultative construction itself licenses the alternation that the verb lacks in isolation.

Key empirical findings #

  1. Verb restriction: only verbs of exerting force (Levin §12) and verbs of surface contact (§18 hitting, §10.4 wiping subtypes)
  2. Adjective restriction: only open, closed, shut, free, loose, flat — all describing spatially instantiated states
  3. Verb–adjective combination is critical: neither alone suffices
  4. Discourse licensing: anticausative conditions — cause recoverable in context or identity unknown to speaker
  5. Semantic licensing: subject DP must be capable of autonomous motion ("projectile" — entity imbued with force that can act without continuous external involvement)
  6. Proper Containment Condition (@cite{rappaport-hovav-levin-2012}): when the cause is continuously involved, the causative variant is required — blocking the intr-push open pattern

Architecture #

This study connects four existing layers:

The central theoretical insight — that constructions can license alternation behavior that verbs lack in isolation — is a construction grammar point that the current verb-level participatesIn infrastructure does not directly accommodate. This file formalizes the specific case.

Verb inventory #

The verbs attested in intr-push open resultatives describe the application of force to an entity. They are drawn from two subclasses of manner verbs: verbs of exerting force (§12) and verbs of surface contact (§18 hitting, §10.4 wiping).

Note: scrape and sweep are Levin §10.4 (wipe) verbs, but in intr-push open they participate through their surface contact sense, not their removing sense. Wipe verbs as a class DO show the causative alternation (they lexicalize CoS). These verbs enter the construction because only their force-application component is relevant, not the removal result.

The core Levin classes for intr-push open verbs. Verbs of exerting force (§12 = pushPull) and verbs of surface contact, hitting subtype (§18.1 = hit). Wipe verbs (§10.4) also participate but are handled separately (see all_verbs_from_predicted_classes).

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    All core intr-push open verb classes lack the causative alternation in isolation. This is the key precondition: the verb alone does not alternate, so the construction must license the alternation.

    Cross-reference: the existing alternation data in DiathesisAlternations.Data already records that hit (§18.1) is blocked for causative/inchoative. Our theorem agrees.

    All core classes are pure manner roots (@cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020}): they encode no state, no result, no causation. The result and causation come from the construction.

    All core classes encode contact and motion but NOT change of state and NOT causation. This is why they don't show the causative alternation (@cite{fillmore-1970}): no scalar change is lexicalized.

    Construction-dependent alternation (@cite{goldberg-1995}) #

    The key derivation: these verbs cannot alternate alone (shown above), but they CAN alternate inside the resultative construction. The resultative adds CoS + causation via semanticContribution; the composed meaning has all four components needed for the causative alternation. No new alternation logic is needed — predictedAlternation on the fused result fires automatically.

    This formalizes the paper's central insight (§3): "when such verbs are found in a resultative, the construction as a whole describes a change of state ... properties of the resultative construction itself are implicated in the 'loosening' of transitivity that characterizes intr-push open resultatives."

    PushPull in the resultative: causative alternation predicted. The construction adds CoS + causation → the composed meaning has changeOfState && causation, which is the precondition.

    Event structure shift (bridge to EventStructure) #

    The same fusion operation that predicts new alternations also predicts template shift: manner verbs (activity template) become accomplishments inside the resultative. This connects to telicity, result state diagnostics (again/re- ambiguity), and CAUSE structure.

    Middle construction parallel (§2, examples 17–18) #

    The paper shows pound enters the middle construction only with a result phrase: "*This kind of metal pounds easily" vs "This kind of metal pounds flat easily." The existing predictedAlternationInConstruction infrastructure derives this — the middle alternation requires CoS, which comes from the resultative construction, not the verb.

    Hit-class verbs CAN enter the middle inside the resultative. This derives the paper's observation (18b) from the same mechanism.

    Adjective inventory #

    Only a small set of adjectives heads the result phrase in intr-push open resultatives. Each describes a spatially instantiated state — a state whose attainment requires the entity to be in a specific spatial configuration with respect to a reference entity.

    Three semantic subtypes:

    1. Barrier configuration: open, closed, shut — spatial configuration of a barrier (door, gate, window) relative to its frame
    2. Unattachment: free, loose — freedom from spatial contiguity with a reference entity (frame, bottle, ground)
    3. Surface orientation: flat — orientation relative to a reference surface
    @[reducible, inline]

    Reuse the theory-level SpatialConfigType from Adjective.Theory.

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      Adjectives in senses that are NOT spatially instantiated do not appear in intr-push open resultatives, even when they occur in transitive resultatives. The non-spatial senses of free ("free of charge", "free of debris") and loose ("loose shoelaces") are not attested. Adjectives like bald, firm, senseless, red have no spatialConfigType in the Fragment and are never attested in intr-push open resultatives (examples 57b–60b).

      Transitive–intransitive pairing #

      The paper's central argument (§3): tr-push open and intr-push open form a causative alternation pair. The transitive is the causative variant; the intransitive is the anticausative variant. Both share the same verb–adjective combination and the same constructional meaning:

      An alternation pair: transitive and intransitive resultative with the same verb–adjective combination.

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            Push–open (examples 19, 20; 10a,b).

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              Pull–free (examples 21, 22; 13a,b).

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                Slam–shut (fn. 11; intransitive from example 23). Note: slam is polysemous — in Pat slammed the door / The door slammed it has a closing-with-impact sense that independently shows the causative alternation. The .hit classification here applies to the surface-contact sense, not the closing sense. The transitive resultative is not explicitly given in the paper but is implied by the alternation pair analysis.

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                  Punch–open (intransitive from example 11a; transitive implied).

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                    Fling–open (intransitive from example 33; transitive implied).

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                      Scrape–free (intransitive from example 39; transitive implied).

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                        Smack–flat (intransitive from example 48; transitive implied).

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                          Thump–closed (intransitive from example 12a; transitive from 12b).

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                              All pairs use verbs from the predicted classes (pushPull, hit — or wipe for scrape/sweep).

                              Each core-class pair (pushPull, hit) is blocked alone but gains the causative alternation inside the resultative construction. Wipe verbs (scrape/sweep) are excluded: they independently alternate because they lexicalize CoS; they enter the construction through their surface-contact sense, not their removing sense.

                              Each pair's adjType agrees with the Fragment entry's spatialConfigType.

                              Negative evidence: verb alone doesn't suffice #

                              Verbs outside the predicted classes do not license intr-push open even with an appropriate adjective (examples 51–56).

                              def Levin2026.blockedVerbs :
                              List (String × String × String)

                              Verbs that occur in transitive resultatives with the relevant adjectives but lack intr-push open counterparts.

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                                Negative evidence: adjective alone doesn't suffice #

                                Even in their spatially instantiated senses, the adjectives can appear in transitive resultatives with verbs of the right type, yet the transitive resultative lacks an intr-push open counterpart when the COMBINATION is wrong (examples 57–60).

                                def Levin2026.blockedCombinations :
                                List (String × String × String)
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                                  Causal dynamics and event decomposition #

                                  The constructional meaning of resultatives (§3, example 25): [Action denoted by verb] causes [change into state denoted by RP]

                                  For tr-push open (§3, example 30): [Sam_effector push the door] CAUSE [the door BECOME open]

                                  The constructional CAUSE comes from the resultative, not from the verb. The constructional BECOME maps to CoSType.inception (¬open → open).

                                  The constructional BECOME in resultatives = inception (¬P → P). This connects to the existing ChangeOfState infrastructure.

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                                    Key contrast: intr-push-open ≠ freeze-solid #

                                    "The river froze solid" is a noncausative resultative where freeze independently shows the causative alternation; the verbal alternation plus the noncausative subconstruction explain why it surfaces without a causer.

                                    "The door pushed open" is fundamentally different: push does NOT independently alternate; the construction adds the CAUSE that the verb lacks. This is an anticausative licensed by the construction, not a lexically noncausative.

                                    Per-scenario causal models for these contrasts live below in §7 (HammerFlat, KickIntoField, FreezeSolid, etc.) on the BoolSEM substrate, using BoolSEM.causallySufficientOn / completesForEffectOn from Core.Causal.SEM.Counterfactual.

                                    Freeze independently shows the causative alternation; push does not. This confirms the classification: freeze solid is a standard noncausative resultative with an alternating verb, while push open must be an anticausative licensed by the construction.

                                    PCC and the independent-source analysis #

                                    The Proper Containment Condition (@cite{rappaport-hovav-levin-2012}): "When a change of state is properly contained within a causing act, the argument representing that act must be expressed in the same clause as the verb describing the change of state."

                                    This maps onto the independent-source/tightness analysis already formalized in Causation/Resultatives.lean:

                                    The PCC tightness analysis (projectile vs continuous, with the intervening-source breakdown of necessity) is formalized on the BoolSEM substrate below by IndependentSourceBreaksNecessity (§7) — see independent_source_breaks_necessity for the canonical not-tight witness.

                                    Note: the witness is *our model*, not Levin 2019's specific
                                    sentence-licensing argument. A genuine refutation theorem against
                                    Goldberg & Jackendoff's licensing-not-necessity stance — using this
                                    scenario as the disagreement witness — is the natural next step;
                                    currently deferred. 
                                    

                                    Anticausative discourse conditions #

                                    @cite{rappaport-hovav-2014} identifies two discourse situations where the anticausative variant is preferred over the causative:

                                    1. The cause is recoverable from the discourse context — it has been established earlier or follows from the natural course of events (§5, examples 62–68).
                                    2. The speaker does not know the identity of the cause — the existence of a cause can be inferred but its identity is unknown (§5, examples 69–71; McCawley 1978).

                                    Intr-push open resultatives are found in precisely these two contexts.

                                    How the cause relates to the discourse context.

                                    • recoverableInContext : CauseStatus

                                      Cause established in prior discourse or natural course of events. "The dry soil thawed ... the roots pulled free." (§5, ex. 64)

                                    • identityUnknown : CauseStatus

                                      Cause inferable but identity unknown to speaker. "The door pushed open and a man walked in." (§5, ex. 70)

                                    • notRecoverable : CauseStatus

                                      Cause novel and not recoverable; causative variant required.

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                                        The projectile property #

                                        The subject DP must be capable of autonomous motion: it must be able to move along the trajectory defined by the result state without requiring an external agent's sustained participation (§6).

                                        The attested subjects qualify as "projectiles" (@cite{kearns-2000}): entities that move due to their own kinetic energy and can impart this energy to another entity through contact. This includes entities that are not machines but are construed as force-imbued (doors after a push, corks in bottles, roots in thawing soil).

                                        The same types of entities pass the "What X did" diagnostic for effectors (fn. 17): agents, natural forces, machines, and projectiles.

                                        Classification of the theme (subject DP).

                                        • animate : ThemeMotionCapacity

                                          Self-energetic entity (agent, animal).

                                        • machine : ThemeMotionCapacity

                                          Machine with independent power source (tractor, vehicle).

                                        • projectile : ThemeMotionCapacity

                                          Entity imbued with force via the verbal action: after a push, the door continues to swing without the agent's involvement. Includes entities construed as moving under transferred kinetic energy (doors, corks, roots, prongs).

                                        • requiresContinuousForce : ThemeMotionCapacity

                                          Entity requiring continuous external manipulation to move: nails being hammered, instruments being wielded.

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                                            Entities requiring continuous external manipulation are blocked. "My father nailed the door shut" (§6, ex. 74) is OK, but "*The root cellar door nailed shut" (§6, ex. 75) is unacceptable.

                                            Connection to directed motion #

                                            The same verbs appear intransitively in directed motion event descriptions (§7, examples 84–85):

                                            These share the same licensing condition: the theme must be capable of autonomous motion. This provides independent support.

                                            Note: natural forces (storm, wind) are attested as subjects of directed motion (85b) but NOT of intr-push open resultatives, because the relevant adjectives cannot be predicated of them (*an open storm/wind).

                                            A directed motion event description with a surface-contact verb.

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                                                          All directed motion themes satisfy the autonomous motion condition, paralleling intr-push open.

                                                          Natural forces (storm, wind) are attested as directed motion subjects — (85b) "The storm swept through the valley" — but NOT in intr-push open resultatives. The blocking mechanism is the adjective restriction: the relevant adjectives cannot be predicated of natural forces (*an open storm), so no licensed verb–adjective combination exists. The theme passes the autonomous motion test but the adjective filter blocks it independently.

                                                          The licensing conjunction #

                                                          An intr-push open resultative is licensed iff ALL of:

                                                          1. The verb is from a force-application class (§12, §18)
                                                          2. The adjective describes a spatially instantiated state
                                                          3. The discourse context licenses cause suppression
                                                          4. The theme is capable of autonomous motion

                                                          Full licensing check for an intr-push open resultative.

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                                                            End-to-end: the full argument chain #

                                                            1. push is pushPull (§12) → pure manner, no CoS, no causation
                                                            2. No causative alternation for pushPull alone (meaning-component prediction)
                                                            3. Fusion: resultative construction adds CoS + causation → composed meaning now predicts the causative alternation
                                                            4. Resultative construction adds CAUSE (non-empty CausalDynamics)
                                                            5. Constructional BECOME = inception (CoSType.inception)
                                                            6. Constructional CAUSE = .make (sufficiency, completion event)
                                                            7. Anticausative: cause suppressed under discourse licensing
                                                            8. PCC: projectile has independent energy → cause not continuously needed
                                                            9. Theme passes autonomous-motion check → anticausative OK

                                                            FilledResultative: bundling lexical material with the construction #

                                                            The construction grammar layer (MeaningComponents, fusion, alternation prediction) carries the structural content. FilledResultative bundles the lexical fillers as proof obligations on the type — the filling must satisfy the Boolean-level alternation prediction.

                                                            This is the formal reflex of @cite{levin-2026}'s analysis: a resultative is a construction filled with specific lexical material (verb class, adjective).

                                                            The structural-causation layer for these resultatives lives in §7 below on the BoolSEM substrate (see HammerFlat, KickIntoField, etc.). Linking a specific FilledResultative to its BoolSEM model would be a separate study extension.

                                                            A resultative construction instantiated with its lexical fillers.

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                                                              Whether this filled resultative can surface as an anticausative (intr-push open), given discourse and theme conditions. Checks the verb class restriction in addition to discourse/theme.

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                                                                Concrete instances #

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                                                                      FilledResultative → licensing #

                                                                      The isLicensed function and the FilledResultative type encode the same conditions from different angles. isLicensed is a flat Boolean check; FilledResultative bundles the conditions as proof obligations. The bridge theorem shows they agree: any FilledResultative with appropriate discourse and theme conditions passes isLicensed.

                                                                      theorem Levin2026.filled_implies_licensed (fr : FilledResultative) (cause : CauseStatus) (theme : ThemeMotionCapacity) (hClass : intrPushOpenClasses.contains fr.verbClass = true) (hCause : anticausativeLicensed cause = true) (hTheme : canBeIntrPushOpenSubject theme = true) :
                                                                      isLicensed fr.verbClass fr.adjective cause theme = true

                                                                      A FilledResultative whose verb class is in intrPushOpenClasses passes isLicensed for any licensed cause status and theme.

                                                                      FilledResultative ↔ end-to-end chain #

                                                                      The end_to_end_push_open theorem proved 9 conjuncts individually. pushOpen_filled encodes three of those (alternation prediction, spatial adjective, causal consistency) as proof obligations on the type. The remaining conditions (discourse, theme) are runtime parameters.

                                                                      Connection to ResultativeType #

                                                                      Intr-push open resultatives are anticausativeProperty in the Goldberg & Jackendoff typology (added to ResultativeType for @cite{levin-2026}). This closes the loop between the FilledResultative type and the broader resultative classification.

                                                                      Map a FilledResultative to its ResultativeType. All intr-push open resultatives are anticausative property resultatives: the verb is transitive-only, the adjective heads a property result phrase, and the cause is suppressed. The transitive counterpart (tr-push open) would be causativeProperty, but is modeled separately.

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                                                                        Anticausative property is distinct from noncausative property (freeze solid): the former has a suppressed cause, the latter has no constructional cause at all.

                                                                        Mandarin cognate #

                                                                        The paper (§1) motivates the English analysis by drawing parallels to Mandarin, where the verb tuī "push" similarly cannot occur intransitively outside resultative constructions (example 4: tuī fān "push-upend"; examples 5–6 show tuī alone cannot appear intransitively). The Mandarin cognate compound tuī-kāi "push-open" exists as a V-V compound in the Fragment — this bridge connects it to the English analysis.

                                                                        The Mandarin push-open compound is the cross-linguistic cognate: same verb meaning (push), same result meaning (open), object-oriented.

                                                                        Per-scenario causal models #

                                                                        Each causative resultative maps to a concrete BoolSEM V where the verbal subevent causally determines the result vertex. Sufficiency and completion are stated via the canonical BoolSEM.causallySufficientOn / completesForEffectOn predicates so kernel reduction closes the structural theorems via unfold + rfl.

                                                                        Per-scenario inductive V enums give Fintype + DecidableEq + Repr so developDetOn reduces structurally without native_decide.

                                                                        • hammering : V
                                                                        • flat : V
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                                                                                • kicking : V
                                                                                • in_field : V
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                                                                                        • laughing : V
                                                                                        • silly : V
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                                                                                          def Levin2026.LaughSilly.instReprV.repr :
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                                                                                                "The river froze solid" — noncausative resultative. Empty graph captures the absence of constructional CAUSE.

                                                                                                • freezing : V
                                                                                                • solid : V
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                                                                                                    Empty graph: no causal relations (noncausative resultative).

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                                                                                                      "Drink the teapot dry" — passive chain: drinking → tea_removal → teapot_dry. Tight because tea_removal has no independent source.

                                                                                                      • drinking : V
                                                                                                      • tea_removal : V
                                                                                                      • teapot_dry : V
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                                                                                                              Tight despite being a chain: removing drinking leaves tea_removal undetermined (no independent source), so teapot_dry doesn't fire.

                                                                                                              • kicking : V
                                                                                                              • door_open : V
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                                                                                                                      NOT-tight case: kick → ball_motion → door_open + ball_energy → ball_motion. Ball has its own independent energy source, so kicking is not necessary for door_open in this model.

                                                                                                                      *In our model*, parallel mechanisms break but-for necessity. This
                                                                                                                      is an illustration of the general independent-source phenomenon
                                                                                                                      rather than a direct formalization of any specific paper's
                                                                                                                      sentence-licensing argument. 
                                                                                                                      
                                                                                                                      • kicking : V
                                                                                                                      • ball_motion : V
                                                                                                                      • ball_energy : V
                                                                                                                      • door_open : V
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                                                                                                                                NOT tight: removing kicking still allows ball_energy → ball_motion → door_open. The kick is not necessary.