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Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Lexical.MeaningComponents

Semantics.Lexical.MeaningComponents #

@cite{levin-1993} @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020}

Binary meaning-component features that define @cite{levin-1993} verb classes diagnostically (via diathesis alternation participation), with the fuse operator for componentwise composition.

Provenance #

Moved from Core/Lexical/VerbClass.lean in the cleanup that dissolved Core/Lexical/. Lives at Theories/Semantics/Lexical/ (sibling of LevinTheory.lean, LevinClassProfiles.lean, LevinClass.lean, DiathesisAlternation.lean) because it encodes Levin's specific diagnostic apparatus (CoS / contact / motion / causation as the 4 canonical features) — paper-anchored framework content, not consensus substrate.

Framework commitment #

The 4-feature decomposition is @cite{levin-1993}'s diagnostic apparatus. @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020} argue these are SURFACE behaviors, not root-level entailments — root-level structural features live in Theories/Semantics/Lexical/Roots/RootFeatures.lean::RootEntailments (state/manner/result/cause). The two carve-ups are NOT equivalent: e.g., causation here is what diathesis alternations diagnose, while B&KG's cause is a root entailment.

The instrumentSpec and mannerSpec features supplement the 4-feature core for finer-grained subclass distinctions in Part II.

Note on fuse #

fuse a b is componentwise OR — the formaliser's design choice for modeling how a construction augments a verb's inherent semantics. Originally attributed to @cite{goldberg-1995} in source comments, but Goldberg's actual constructional unification is not componentwise boolean OR (it involves semantic frame unification with role-fusion constraints, far more structured than disjunctive feature OR). The substrate's fuse is a useful approximation but should not be cited as Goldberg's operation directly.

Alternative frameworks not formalized at parallel substrate granularity #

The Levin-style alternation-diagnosed feature decomposition competes with other lexical-semantic frameworks worth formalizing as siblings:

Binary meaning components that define @cite{levin-1993} verb classes.

These describe surface verb behavior, not root-level entailments. @cite{beavers-koontz-garboden-2020} argue that surface CoS and causation can come from either the template or the root; see RootEntailments in Theories/Semantics/Lexical/Roots/RootFeatures.lean for the root-level decomposition.

Diagnosed by participation in diathesis alternations:

  • changeOfState: middle alternation, causative/inchoative alternation
  • contact: body-part possessor ascension alternation
  • motion: conative alternation (with contact)
  • causation: causative/inchoative alternation (with changeOfState)

The four canonical classes from Levin's Introduction:

  • break = [+CoS, −contact, −motion, +causation]
  • cut = [+CoS, +contact, +motion, +causation]
  • hit = [−CoS, +contact, +motion, −causation]
  • touch = [−CoS, +contact, −motion, −causation]

Additional binary features (from class descriptions in Part II):

UNVERIFIED: Levin Part II page references for instrumentSpec/mannerSpec cited from memory.

  • changeOfState : Bool
  • contact : Bool
  • motion : Bool
  • causation : Bool
  • instrumentSpec : Bool
  • mannerSpec : Bool
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                      Componentwise OR. The formaliser's chosen approximation of construction-on-verb composition; not equivalent to Goldberg's actual constructional unification (see file docstring).

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