Documentation

Studies.Stankova2026

Staňková (2026): A Three-Way Distinction of Negation Interpretation in Czech #

Staňková proposes that negation in Czech polar questions occupies one of three LF positions, outer (PolP), medial (ModP) or inner (TP), and that the polarity items and the particles náhodou, ještě and fakt fingerprint them (her Table 1, licensed). The positions refine Šimík's two readings of negation (Position.ofReading): medial negation is the paper's addition, low like inner negation but non-propositional like FALSUM.

Main results #

References #

The three positions #

Negation in a Czech polar question takes one of three LF positions, listed by scope width. Inner negation in TP is propositional negation, medial negation in ModP scopes over the evidential modal, and outer negation in PolP is the commitment operator FALSUM (the paper's (16)).

  • inner : Position

    Inner negation is propositional ¬p in TP, which licenses negative concord items by Agree ([Zei04]).

  • medial : Position

    Medial negation scopes over the evidential modal in ModP, in the bias presupposition.

  • outer : Position

    Outer negation is FALSUM in PolP, high negation with obligatory focus.

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    def Stankova2026.instReprPosition.repr :
    Position → ℕ → Std.Format
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      Each reading of [Sim24] is a position. The inner reading, double-checking the negation of the prejacent (.negative), is inner negation, and the outer reading, double-checking the prejacent (.positive), is outer negation.

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        The evidential bias strength of a negation position (the paper's §3.1): inner negation presupposes evidence for ¬p, medial negation only the absence of evidence for p, and FALSUM conveys epistemic rather than evidential bias.

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            Table 1 #

            The Table 1 diagnostics of a negation position.

            • ppiOutscoping : Diagnostic

              The negation admits a positive polarity item like nějaký 'some' in its scope.

            • nciLicensed : Diagnostic

              The negation licenses a negative concord item like žádný 'no'.

            • nahodou : Diagnostic

              The particle náhodou 'by chance' is compatible.

            • jeste : Diagnostic

              The particle ještě 'yet, still' is compatible.

            • fakt : Diagnostic

              The particle fakt 'really' is compatible.

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                A cell of Table 1: the position licenses the diagnostic.

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                  theorem Stankova2026.licensed_injective :
                  Function.Injective licensed

                  Table 1 fingerprints the positions: no two license the same diagnostics.

                  Only propositional negation licenses a concord item, by Agree with the operator.

                  Every non-propositional negation admits a positive polarity item.

                  Náhodou singles out FALSUM.

                  Ještě singles out propositional negation.

                  Fakt is repelled by FALSUM alone.

                  The diagnostic particles ([Sta26] §2.2, Table 1) #

                  Entries live in Czech.Particles; this paper contributes the §2.2 licensing profiles — ještě felicitous in PQs only under inner negation (§2.2.2, (14); with telic predicates it requires negation, (13)), fakt licensed by inner and medial but repelled by outer on its canonical reading (§2.2.3, (15), fn. 8), vůbec an NPI licensed by inner only ((9)-(10)) — plus the Table 1 assignments and the fingerprint results.

                  The Table 1 diagnostic realized by p, if any.

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                    A particle is compatible with a negation position when the position licenses the particle's Table 1 diagnostic, vacuously for a particle outside the table.

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                      instance Stankova2026.instDecidableCompatible (p : Particle) (pos : Position) :
                      Decidable (Compatible p pos)
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                      náhodou uniquely identifies outer negation.

                      ještě uniquely identifies inner negation.

                      fakt accepted while ještě is rejected identifies medial negation.

                      The three Table 1 particles jointly fingerprint the three negation positions.

                      copak is outside Table 1: it appears in positive and negative PQs alike ([SS25] exs. 19a-b).

                      Word order and PQ-form typology #

                      Czech PQs come in V1 (interrogative) and nonV1 (declarative) word orders; since ne- is inseparable from the finite verb, verb position determines the syntactic position of negation ([SS25] §2, [Sta26] §1). The VerbPosition API lives with the experiment that established it, in StankovaSimik2025. Crossing word order with polarity gives [Sim24]'s 2×2 grid of PQ forms (Simik2024.CzechPQForm), which maps onto [Rom24]'s PosQ/LoNQ/HiNQ typology.

                      Outer negation preposes the negated verb, giving the high negation form (HiNQ) of [Rom24], and inner and medial negation leave it in situ, giving the low negation form (LoNQ).

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                        Only outer negation (FALSUM) is obligatorily focused ([Sta26] §3.2).

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                          The two form typologies agree: [Sim24]'s grid refines [Rom24]'s.

                          Czech refines [Rom24]'s LoNQ: inner and medial share the LoNQ form but differ in evidential bias strength and in Table 1 signatures.

                          Obligatory focus singles out outer negation ([Sta26] §3.2).

                          Verb position and context sensitivity #

                          The verb-position API (availableReadings, defaultReading) is [SS25]'s and lives in StankovaSimik2025; this paper adds the link to evidential bias strength.

                          Context sensitivity tracks evidential bias strength, none for a clause-initial verb and outer negation and strong for a verb in situ and inner negation.

                          The paper's examples #

                          Typed stimuli live in Data.Examples.Stankova2026; each is paired here with the negation reading and Table 1 diagnostic the paper assigns.

                          The paper's polarity/particle examples with their negation reading and tested diagnostic.

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                            Table 1 predicts each example's judgment: the diagnostic is licensed at the example's negation position iff the example is acceptable.

                            def Stankova2026.biasCheckedExamples :
                            List (Datum × SignType × SignType × Simik2024.CzechPQForm)

                            The positive-evidence stimulus of [SS25], their (14), a negative question with a clause-initial verb after evidence for p, with the bias-profile cell it occupies.

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                              theorem Stankova2026.bias_examples_match_profile (x : Datum × SignType × SignType × Simik2024.CzechPQForm) :
                              x ∈ biasCheckedExamples → (x.1.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ x.2.2.2 ∈ Simik2024.czechBiasProfile x.2.1 x.2.2.1)

                              The bias profile predicts the positive-evidence stimulus, the form being felicitous iff it appears in its evidence × original-bias cell.