Staňková and Šimík (2025): Negation in Czech Polar Questions #
Staňková and Šimík analyse negation in Czech polar questions. The negative prefix moves with the
finite verb, so verb position fixes the position of negation: a clause-initial verb sits above
the canonical negation operator and is licensed only by Repp's commitment operator FALSUM
(Simik2024.falsumCz_eq_one_of_falsum), while a verb in situ is licensed by either
(mem_availableReadings_iff). Following Zeijlstra, the concord item žádný and the prefix carry
an uninterpretable negative feature and contribute no negation of their own, so of the readings
the determiner fragment lists for žádný only the indefinite one yields 'no' under the canonical
operator (compl_eq_no_iff). The canonical operator licenses concord items and needs negative
contextual evidence; FALSUM licenses positive polarity items and is indifferent to evidence; and
declarative word order needs evidence. Felicity in a context follows from these three sources
(Felicitous), which yields the predictions the paper's naturalness study tests: in
interrogative questions the polarity item is felicitous in every context and the concord item in
none (v1_ppi_any_context, v1_nci_never), and declarative questions need evidence, the concord
item negative evidence (nonV1_nci_iff, nonV1_ppi_iff). The particle náhodou is licensed by
FALSUM alone, so it excludes concord items whatever the word order (nahodou_excludes_nci), and
copak needs evidence matching the question's polarity, against the speaker's prior belief
(copak_requires_bias, copak_prior_ne_evidence).
Implementation notes #
The readings of negation are Šimík's inner and outer negation. The main experiment (seventy-five speakers, a fully crossed design of verb position, indefinite and context, cumulative link mixed models) found a main effect of the indefinite in interrogative questions, no effect of context there, a preference for negative contexts and for concord items in declarative questions, high naturalness of interrogative questions under positive evidence, a main effect of the indefinite for náhodou questions, and a main effect of context for copak questions; these results are stated in prose only.
References #
Verb position and the readings of negation #
The finite verb of a Czech polar question is clause-initial, in interrogative word order, or in situ, in declarative word order. The negative prefix is inseparable from the finite verb, so verb position fixes the position of negation.
- v1 : VerbPosition
- nonV1 : VerbPosition
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- StankovaSimik2025.instDecidableEqVerbPosition x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The readings of negation available at a verb position, each given as the polarity of the
proposition the question double-checks, .positive for FALSUM, the outer reading, and
.negative for the canonical operator, the inner reading. The clause-initial verb raises above
the canonical operator and is licensed by FALSUM alone, the verb in situ by FALSUM or by the
canonical operator (the paper's (11) and (12)).
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A reading is available exactly when its operator c-commands the negated verb, which FALSUM always does and the canonical operator does only over the verb in situ.
The unmarked reading at a verb position is that of the lowest available operator.
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Indefinites as proxies for the readings #
The experiment manipulates the indefinite, the negative concord item žádný as a proxy for inner negation or the positive polarity item nějaký as a proxy for FALSUM.
- nci : Indefinite
- ppi : Indefinite
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- StankovaSimik2025.instDecidableEqIndefinite x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The determiner realizing each indefinite.
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The polarity entry of each indefinite.
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The concord item and the prefix carry [uNeg] and so "do not map to negation" (p. 5), the canonical operator being the clause's one negation. Of the readings of žádný, exactly the indefinite one then yields no; the negative-quantifier reading yields double negation.
A polarity item is licensed at a reading of negation when a positive polarity item falls under FALSUM and a negative one under the canonical operator (the paper's (11) and (12)).
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- StankovaSimik2025.LicensedAt e n = ((e.IsPPI → n = Polarity.positive) ∧ (e.IsNPI → n = Polarity.negative))
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- StankovaSimik2025.instDecidableLicensedAt e n = id inferInstance
The two indefinites split the readings, the polarity item being licensed exactly where the concord item is not.
Bias and felicity #
The canonical operator requires negative contextual evidence, as in the evidentially biased contexts of [Gun02] and [Sud13], while FALSUM, conveying epistemic rather than evidential bias, requires none.
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- StankovaSimik2025.ReadingAdmits Polarity.negative x✝ = (x✝ = -1)
- StankovaSimik2025.ReadingAdmits Polarity.positive x✝ = True
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Declarative word order requires contextual evidence ([Gun02]); interrogative word order requires none.
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A negative polar question with an indefinite is felicitous in a context when some reading available at its verb position licenses the indefinite and admits the context's evidence, and the word order admits the evidence.
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- StankovaSimik2025.instDecidableFelicitous wp ind ctx = id inferInstance
In interrogative questions the positive polarity item is felicitous in every context, since FALSUM licenses it and is indifferent to evidence.
In interrogative questions the negative concord item is never felicitous, since the clause-initial verb is out of reach of the canonical operator.
Interrogative questions are indifferent to the context.
A declarative question with the concord item is felicitous exactly under negative evidence, which inner negation requires.
A declarative question with the polarity item is felicitous exactly under some evidence, since FALSUM licenses the verb in situ and the word order needs evidence.
Declarative questions are infelicitous without contextual evidence.
Czech FALSUM is broader than English high negation, since an interrogative question with the polarity item is felicitous under positive evidence (the paper's (14)), which the evidence condition of [BG00] on English outer negation excludes.
The particles #
Náhodou excludes the concord item at either verb position, since the item needs inner negation and the particle needs FALSUM (the paper's (17) and (18)).
Náhodou is felicitous with the polarity item at either verb position, the verb in situ being licensed by FALSUM under a contrastive topic.
Copak is felicitous exactly when the context's evidence matches the question's polarity.
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- StankovaSimik2025.CopakLicensed pol ctx = (ctx = Simik2024.evidence pol)
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- StankovaSimik2025.instDecidableCopakLicensed pol ctx = id inferInstance
Copak is infelicitous without contextual evidence.
Copak marks a conflict, the prior belief it conveys opposing the evidence it requires.
The two particles part on context, náhodou being licensed by FALSUM whatever the evidence and copak only under evidence.