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Reciprocal Anaphors in Singular Constructions in Hungarian

Rákosi, G. (2020). In Workshop Cross-linguistic Semantics of Reciprocals (pp. 70–80). Utrecht University

An antecedent has a grammatical number, which the verb agrees in, and a semantic number, that of the individuals it denotes. Quantified, coordinate and collective antecedents and bound singular variables can be grammatically singular and semantically plural. A Hungarian plural reflexive needs the plural verb, the reciprocal egymás only the semantic plural. Over the paper's examples this file proves the two licensing conditions and the double dissociation between them: a bound reflexive's judgment is a function of its agreement with the verb and not of the antecedent's semantic number, the reciprocal's a function of the semantic number and not of the agreement.

Main definitions

Rakosi2020.HasAnaphor: the anaphor of a row is a given pronoun of the fragment.
Rakosi2020.verbAgr?, Rakosi2020.semanticNumber?: the person and number the verb agrees in, and the semantic number of the antecedent.

References

Rákosi 2020, Reciprocal Anaphors in Singular Constructions in Hungarian

The rows

The reflexive

A bound reflexive, one outside the inclusive reference of §2, is acceptable exactly when it agrees with the verb in person and number.

theorem reflexive_acceptable_iff_agree L82–88

(e : Datum) :

e ∈ Examples.all → ¬InclusiveReference e → ∀ r ∈ Hungarian.Pronouns.reflexives, HasAnaphor e r.toPronoun → ∀ v ∈ verbAgr? e, e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ HasPhi.Agree r.toPronoun (Agreement.Bundle.personNumber v.1 v.2)

Built from , ,

The reflexive's judgment is not a function of the antecedent's semantic number ((11a), (11b')).

theorem not_factorsThrough_semanticNumber L90–95

¬Function.FactorsThrough ((rowsWith Hungarian.Pronouns.maga.toPronoun).domRestrict Datum.judgment) ((rowsWith Hungarian.Pronouns.maga.toPronoun).domRestrict semanticNumber?)

Built from ,

The reciprocal

The reciprocal is acceptable exactly when its antecedent is semantically plural.

theorem reciprocal_acceptable_iff L99–103

(e : Datum) :

e ∈ Examples.all → HasAnaphor e Hungarian.Reciprocals.egymas.toPronoun → (e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ semanticNumber? e = some Number.plural)

Built from ,

The reciprocal's judgment is not a function of verb agreement ((2a), (12)).

theorem not_factorsThrough_verbAgr L105–109

¬Function.FactorsThrough ((rowsWith Hungarian.Reciprocals.egymas.toPronoun).domRestrict Datum.judgment) ((rowsWith Hungarian.Reciprocals.egymas.toPronoun).domRestrict verbAgr?)

Built from ,

In each of §§3–6, the reciprocal is accepted with a singular verb and a semantically plural antecedent.

theorem reciprocal_with_singular_verb L111–117

(n : ℕ) :

n ∈ [3, 4, 5, 6] → ∃ e ∈ Examples.all, e.nat? "section" = some n ∧ HasAnaphor e Hungarian.Reciprocals.egymas.toPronoun ∧ (∀ v ∈ verbAgr? e, v.2 = Number.singular) ∧ semanticNumber? e = some Number.plural ∧ e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable

Built from , ,

Inclusive reference

The inclusive reflexive of §2 is never read as a bound variable, so its disagreement with the verb is no counterexample to reflexive_acceptable_iff_agree.

theorem inclusive_not_bound L121–126

(e : Datum) :

e ∈ Examples.all → InclusiveReference e → ∀ r ∈ Hungarian.Pronouns.reflexives, HasAnaphor e r.toPronoun → List.lookup "bound variable" e.readings ≠ some Judgment.acceptable

Built from ,