Hungarian Reciprocal Fragment #
@cite{rakosi-2019} @cite{dalrymple-haug-2024}
Hungarian uses the reciprocal pronoun egymás (literally 'one-another'). This is an NP/argument strategy (bivalent): the reciprocal occupies the object position and preserves transitivity. It is distinct from the reflexive maga/maguk.
Morphological Invariance #
egymás is morphologically invariable: it shows no φ-feature-related variation (no person, number, or gender inflection). This contrasts with the reflexive maga, which has the full paradigm (magam, magad, maga, magunk, magatok, maguk). @cite{rakosi-2019} fn. 1.
Singular Antecedents (@cite{rakosi-2019}) #
Reciprocals tolerate morphosyntactically singular antecedents in four construction types, while reflexives require morphosyntactic plurality (plural noun head + plural verb agreement + plural anaphor form):
- Quantified NPs (§3): Hungarian quantified NPs are morphologically singular and take 3SG verbs, yet license egymás.
- Singular coordinate DPs (§4): Two conjoined singulars can trigger 3SG agreement in Hungarian; egymás is fine, but plural reflexive magukat is blocked (only SG magát permitted with SG verb).
- Collective nouns (§5): Collective nouns (személyzet 'staff', család 'family') never trigger plural agreement, yet perfectly license egymás.
- Bound variable antecedents (§6): Embedded pro-dropped singular subject bound by a matrix coordination forces wide-scope (I-)reading. @cite{dalrymple-haug-2024} §2.
egymás — reciprocal pronoun 'each other'. Morphologically invariable: no φ-feature inflection. @cite{rakosi-2019} fn. 1.
Equations
- Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.egymas = { form := "egymás", person := some UD.Person.third }
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maga — reflexive pronoun (3SG form, for contrast). Unlike egymás, the reflexive inflects for number: magá-t (SG.ACC) vs. maguk-at (PL.ACC).
Equations
- Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.maga = { form := "maga", person := some UD.Person.third, number := some Number.sg }
Instances For
maguk — reflexive pronoun (3PL form).
Equations
- Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.maguk = { form := "maguk", person := some UD.Person.third, number := some Number.pl }
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An antecedent configuration for anaphor licensing.
syntacticPl = the antecedent bears plural morphology and triggers
plural verb agreement. semanticPl = the antecedent denotes a
plurality (multiple individuals).
- name : String
- syntacticPl : Bool
Morphosyntactically plural (plural noun head, plural verb agr)
- semanticPl : Bool
Semantically plural (denotes multiple individuals)
- verbAgr : Number
Verb agreement number
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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§3: Quantified NPs. Hungarian quantified NPs are morphologically singular (no -ek suffix) and trigger 3SG verb agreement. Ex: "Két gyerek jól érezte magá-t/*maguk-at." (Two child well felt.3SG self-ACC/*selves-ACC) But: "Három kisgyerek kergeti egymás-t." (OK)
Equations
- Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.quantifiedNP = { name := "Quantified NP (két/három/néhány + SG noun)", syntacticPl := false, semanticPl := true, verbAgr := Number.sg }
Instances For
§4: Singular coordinate DPs. Two conjoined singular NPs can trigger either SG or PL agreement from the left periphery. With SG verb: reflexive must be SG (magát), reciprocal is OK. Ex: "Kati és Éva kihúzta magát/*magukat." (3SG → SG refl only) But: "Kati és Éva látta/látták egymás-t a tükörben." (both OK)
Equations
- Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.singularCoordinate = { name := "Singular coordinate DP (X és Y + 3SG verb)", syntacticPl := false, semanticPl := true, verbAgr := Number.sg }
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§5: Collective nouns. Hungarian collective nouns never trigger plural agreement (*voltak for személyzet). Ex: "A személyzet riadtan nézte egymás-t." (3SG, reciprocal OK) Ex: "Az egész család jól érezte magá-t/*maguk-at." (SG refl only)
Equations
- Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.collectiveNoun = { name := "Collective noun (személyzet, család, pár)", syntacticPl := false, semanticPl := true, verbAgr := Number.sg }
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§6: Bound variable antecedent. Embedded pro-dropped SG subject bound by matrix coordination. Forces wide-scope (I-)reading. Ex: "Péter és Éva azt gondolja, hogy (*ő) szereti egymás-t." @cite{dalrymple-haug-2024} §2.
Equations
- Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.boundVariable = { name := "Bound singular pro-drop (coordination in matrix)", syntacticPl := false, semanticPl := true, verbAgr := Number.sg }
Instances For
Standard plural antecedent (baseline). Ex: "A gyerek-ek látták egymás-t a tükörben."
Equations
- Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.pluralAntecedent = { name := "Plural NP (standard)", syntacticPl := true, semanticPl := true, verbAgr := Number.pl }
Instances For
All four singular-antecedent constructions from @cite{rakosi-2019}.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Reciprocals require only semantic plurality.
Equations
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Reflexives require morphosyntactic plurality.
Equations
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Whether the reciprocal is licensed in a given antecedent config.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Whether the plural reflexive (maguk-at) is licensed.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The core asymmetry: in ALL four singular constructions, the reciprocal is licensed but the plural reflexive is not.
With a standard plural antecedent, both are licensed.
egymás is morphologically invariable (no number feature).
When the local antecedent is a singular bound pronoun, only the wide-scope (I-)reading is available. @cite{dalrymple-haug-2024} §2.