Documentation

Linglib.Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals

Hungarian Reciprocal Fragment #

@cite{rakosi-2019} @cite{dalrymple-haug-2024}

Hungarian uses the reciprocal pronoun egymás (literally 'one-another'). This is an NP/argument strategy (bivalent): the reciprocal occupies the object position and preserves transitivity. It is distinct from the reflexive maga/maguk.

Morphological Invariance #

egymás is morphologically invariable: it shows no φ-feature-related variation (no person, number, or gender inflection). This contrasts with the reflexive maga, which has the full paradigm (magam, magad, maga, magunk, magatok, maguk). @cite{rakosi-2019} fn. 1.

Singular Antecedents (@cite{rakosi-2019}) #

Reciprocals tolerate morphosyntactically singular antecedents in four construction types, while reflexives require morphosyntactic plurality (plural noun head + plural verb agreement + plural anaphor form):

  1. Quantified NPs (§3): Hungarian quantified NPs are morphologically singular and take 3SG verbs, yet license egymás.
  2. Singular coordinate DPs (§4): Two conjoined singulars can trigger 3SG agreement in Hungarian; egymás is fine, but plural reflexive magukat is blocked (only SG magát permitted with SG verb).
  3. Collective nouns (§5): Collective nouns (személyzet 'staff', család 'family') never trigger plural agreement, yet perfectly license egymás.
  4. Bound variable antecedents (§6): Embedded pro-dropped singular subject bound by a matrix coordination forces wide-scope (I-)reading. @cite{dalrymple-haug-2024} §2.

egymás — reciprocal pronoun 'each other'. Morphologically invariable: no φ-feature inflection. @cite{rakosi-2019} fn. 1.

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    maga — reflexive pronoun (3SG form, for contrast). Unlike egymás, the reflexive inflects for number: magá-t (SG.ACC) vs. maguk-at (PL.ACC).

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      maguk — reflexive pronoun (3PL form).

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        An antecedent configuration for anaphor licensing. syntacticPl = the antecedent bears plural morphology and triggers plural verb agreement. semanticPl = the antecedent denotes a plurality (multiple individuals).

        • name : String
        • syntacticPl : Bool

          Morphosyntactically plural (plural noun head, plural verb agr)

        • semanticPl : Bool

          Semantically plural (denotes multiple individuals)

        • verbAgr : Number

          Verb agreement number

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            §3: Quantified NPs. Hungarian quantified NPs are morphologically singular (no -ek suffix) and trigger 3SG verb agreement. Ex: "Két gyerek jól érezte magá-t/*maguk-at." (Two child well felt.3SG self-ACC/*selves-ACC) But: "Három kisgyerek kergeti egymás-t." (OK)

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              §4: Singular coordinate DPs. Two conjoined singular NPs can trigger either SG or PL agreement from the left periphery. With SG verb: reflexive must be SG (magát), reciprocal is OK. Ex: "Kati és Éva kihúzta magát/*magukat." (3SG → SG refl only) But: "Kati és Éva látta/látták egymás-t a tükörben." (both OK)

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                §5: Collective nouns. Hungarian collective nouns never trigger plural agreement (*voltak for személyzet). Ex: "A személyzet riadtan nézte egymás-t." (3SG, reciprocal OK) Ex: "Az egész család jól érezte magá-t/*maguk-at." (SG refl only)

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                  §6: Bound variable antecedent. Embedded pro-dropped SG subject bound by matrix coordination. Forces wide-scope (I-)reading. Ex: "Péter és Éva azt gondolja, hogy (*ő) szereti egymás-t." @cite{dalrymple-haug-2024} §2.

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                    Standard plural antecedent (baseline). Ex: "A gyerek-ek látták egymás-t a tükörben."

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                      All four singular-antecedent constructions from @cite{rakosi-2019}.

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                        Whether the reciprocal is licensed in a given antecedent config.

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                          Whether the plural reflexive (maguk-at) is licensed.

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                            theorem Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.singular_asymmetry :
                            List.map reciprocalLicensed singularConstructions = [true, true, true, true] List.map pluralReflexiveLicensed singularConstructions = [false, false, false, false]

                            The core asymmetry: in ALL four singular constructions, the reciprocal is licensed but the plural reflexive is not.

                            egymás is formally distinct from both reflexive forms.

                            egymás is morphologically invariable (no number feature).

                            The reflexive DOES inflect for number.

                            When the local antecedent is a singular bound pronoun, only the wide-scope (I-)reading is available. @cite{dalrymple-haug-2024} §2.

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