Plurality Licensing for Anaphors #
@cite{rakosi-2019}
The split between morphosyntactic and semantic plurality licensing of anaphors. @cite{rakosi-2019} demonstrates that Hungarian reciprocals (egymás) tolerate morphosyntactically singular antecedents (quantified NPs, singular coordinate DPs, collective nouns) while reflexives (maga/maguk) require morphosyntactic plurality (plural noun head + plural verb agreement + plural anaphor form).
The distinction is derivable from the formal semantics:
- Reflexive binding (=) operates via φ-feature agreement. The anaphor must match the morphosyntactic features of its antecedent and the verb. Agreement is a syntactic mechanism → morphosyntactic plurality required.
- Reciprocity (R) requires per-state distinctness, presupposing multiple individuals in the denotation. This is a semantic requirement: the antecedent must denote a plurality, but need not bear plural morphology.
Anchoring #
Substrate originating with @cite{rakosi-2019}; consumed by
Studies/Rakosi2019.lean (the paper formalisation) and
Fragments/Hungarian/Reciprocals.lean (the per-language data file). Two
consumers cross the linglib substrate-promotion threshold; sits in
Reference/ rather than directly in either consumer to preserve the
Fragments → Substrate dependency arrow (Fragments may not import
Studies).
This file does not depend on H&D 2020 or DH 2024 — only on the PPCDRT
substrate that defines bindingCond, reciprocityCond,
groupIdentityCond.
What kind of plurality an anaphor requires from its antecedent.
@cite{rakosi-2019}: Hungarian reciprocals tolerate morphosyntactically singular antecedents while reflexives do not. The distinction is derivable from the formal semantics:
- Reflexive binding (=) operates via φ-feature agreement → requires morphosyntactic plurality.
- Reciprocity (R) requires per-state distinctness in the denotation → semantic plurality suffices.
- morphosyntactic : PluralityRequirement
Requires plural morphology on the antecedent + plural verb agreement
- plural anaphor form. Characteristic of reflexive anaphors.
- semantic : PluralityRequirement
Requires only that the antecedent denote multiple individuals. Syntactic number features are irrelevant. Characteristic of reciprocal anaphors.
Instances For
Equations
- Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.instDecidableEqPluralityRequirement x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The plurality requirement for each anaphor type, derived from the underlying anaphoric relation:
- Reflexives use binding (=) → φ-agreement → morphosyntactic.
- Reciprocals use reciprocity (R) → semantic distinctness → semantic.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Whether an antecedent satisfies the plurality requirement.
Equations
- Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.satisfiesPluralityReq Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.PluralityRequirement.morphosyntactic syntacticPl semanticPl = syntacticPl
- Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.satisfiesPluralityReq Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.PluralityRequirement.semantic syntacticPl semanticPl = semanticPl
Instances For
Reciprocals are licensed by semantic plurality alone.
Reflexives require morphosyntactic plurality: semantic plurality alone is insufficient.
When an antecedent IS morphosyntactically plural, both anaphor types are licensed (morphosyntactic plurality implies semantic).
Reciprocity in PPCDRT — restricted to states where both drefs are
defined — forces at least two distinct individuals in the value
range. The distinctness clause of reciprocityCond says that whenever
s uAnaph = some d_a and s uAnt = some d_b, d_a ≠ d_b; so any
jointly-defined witness produces a pair of distinct values.
Partiality means we can't derive the existence of some jointly-defined
state from S.IsNonempty alone — the anaphor and antecedent could each
be defined on disjoint subsets of S (or nowhere), leaving the
distinctness clause vacuously true. The strengthened hypothesis
hdef : ∃ s ∈ S, (s uAnaph).isSome ∧ (s uAnt).isSome is the natural
one for the linguistic case (a discourse referent introduced by a
reciprocal forces its antecedent to be jointly defined at some state
— paper eq 41 makes this explicit through the ∂(∪u = ∪𝒜(u))
presupposition combined with the existential extension [u]).
This is the formal-semantic justification for .semantic plurality
licensing of reciprocals: when the meaning is non-vacuously satisfied,
the denotation is forced to contain plurality, regardless of whether
the antecedent bears plural morphology.
Binding (bindingCond) is compatible with a singleton state where
both drefs are mapped to the same value — there is no distinctness
requirement, so the antecedent can be a single individual. This is
why reflexive binding does NOT impose a semantic plurality
requirement.