Partee & Borschev 2001: Some puzzles of predicate possessives #
Do predicate possessives (that team is John's) refute Jensen and Vikner's uniform analysis of
the genitive, on which every genitive is the argument of a relational noun, a plain noun being
coerced to a relation first? A bare John's in predicate position is one of two things. Either
it is an elliptical NP with an understood relational noun: that teacher is John's is John's
teacher (17c), so the earlier verdict of Stockwell, Schachter and Partee that predicate
possessives take only a free relation (Partee's (c) examples, repeated as (1)–(3)) is withdrawn,
the oddness of that father is John's being charged to the demonstrative subject (17a). Or it
is a genuine ⟨e,t⟩ predicate λx[R_POSS(John)(x)] (31), whose relation of possession or control
comes from the possessive form and not from any noun; inside an NP such a possessive is an
intersective modifier, the modifier genitive (6) being the noun conjoined with it
(Possession.π_apply). German non-agreeing mein and Russian and Polish nominative predicate
pronouns are bare predicates with the possession reading only; the agreeing and instrumental
forms are elliptical NPs and admit the noun's relation as well ((28)–(30), (32)–(35)). Russian
marks the split in form, postnominal genitive an argument and prenominal possessive a modifier,
and on a relational noun the two constructions come apart (25).
Main statements #
elliptical_iff_bare— predicated of aP, the elliptical NP [John's P] on its possession reading and the bare predicate possessive agree: the reading the two forms share.ubijcaPeti_ne_petinUbijca— ubijca Peti 'murderer of Petja' (the noun's own relation applied to Petja) and Petin ubijca (the modifier over the possessor-closed noun) are distinct predicates; the latter holds exactly of a murderer Petja controls (petinUbijca_iff).
References #
Elliptical NPs and bare predicates (§2.3–2.4) #
Predicated of something that is a P, the elliptical NP [John's P] on its possession
reading — P coerced by R, then taken as the genitive's argument — and the bare predicate
possessive λx[R(John)(x)] (31) agree.
Russian genitive vs prenominal possessive (§2.2) #
stul Peti and Petin stul (23)–(24) describe the same range of cases: with a plain noun the
argument genitive over the coerced noun and the modifier possessive assemble the same term
π stul R petja. On a relational noun they part: ubijca Peti is 'murderer of Petja', while
Petin ubijca is only 'a murderer Petja has hired' (25). Model: Petja 0, the killer 1 who
murdered Petja, a hireling 2 who murdered the killer and whom Petja controls.
The entities are Petja, the killer and the hireling.
Equations
- ParteeBorschev2001.Ent = Fin 3
Instances For
Petja.
Equations
Instances For
The one who murdered Petja.
Equations
Instances For
The murderer in Petja's employ.
Equations
Instances For
ubijca, where murderer v y holds iff y murdered v.
Equations
- ParteeBorschev2001.murderer v y x✝ = (v = ParteeBorschev2001.petja ∧ y = ParteeBorschev2001.killer ∨ v = ParteeBorschev2001.killer ∧ y = ParteeBorschev2001.hireling)
Instances For
R_POSS holds of Petja and the hireling, whom Petja controls.
Equations
- ParteeBorschev2001.rPoss p y x✝ = (p = ParteeBorschev2001.petja ∧ y = ParteeBorschev2001.hireling)
Instances For
Petin ubijca (25b), the modifier possessive over the noun with its possessor slot closed, is a murderer Petja controls, the hireling, never Petja's own murderer.
The genitive and the prenominal possessive are distinct predicates on a relational noun.