Coppock and Brochhagen (2013): Raising and resolving issues with scalar modifiers #
Coppock and Brochhagen analyse at least and at most as quantifying over a scale of answers to
the question under discussion: at least p is what only p presupposes, that some true answer is
at least as strong as p, and at most p is what only p asserts, that no true answer is
stronger. These are Focus.Particles.atLeast and Focus.Particles.atMost, modifiers of
propositions. On the question of how many, with answers ranked by number, they give the truth
conditions of the modified numerals whether the bare numeral is read two-sidedly or one-sidedly,
and on a scale of mutually exclusive answers, such as academic ranks, at least widens its
prejacent.
To explain why superlative modifiers carry ignorance implicatures and no scalar implicatures, the
authors move to unrestricted inquisitive semantics, where at least p raises every answer at least
as strong as p as a possibility. A speaker who knows the answer cannot sincerely raise several
possibilities, while the comparative more than raises one, and exhaustifying the raised
possibilities does not exclude the stronger answers.
Main statements #
atLeast_fragment,atMost_fragment: on the question of how many, at least and at most are the Fragment's readings of the modified numerals, pulled back along the count.sUnion_atLeastInq,sUnion_atMostInq: the inquisitive entries keep the truth conditions.restrict_atLeastInq_eq_singleton: a speaker who knows the answer cannot raise the possibilities of at least, the ignorance implicature.
Implementation notes #
- A state is a relation on propositions, and the question of a measure
μhas the answersμ ⁻¹' {i}(two-sided) orμ ⁻¹' Ici i(one-sided), ranked byi; the paper's assumption of one world for each number is surjectivity ofμ. - The choice-function entries (53), (54) and (60) are modelled by the sets of possibilities they
denote, which is what applying them pointwise yields (
range_choice_apply). - The informational content of inquisitive at most is
maxwithin the common ground of the state, the union of its answers.
TODO #
The interaction with modals is not formalized: the authoritative and speaker-insecurity readings of at least under deontic modals (§3.5) and the missing readings of at most under may, which the paper derives with Hackl's -many (§3.6).
References #
Truth conditions (§2.6) #
The ranking of the answers of an indexed question by their index.
Equations
- CoppockBrochhagen2013.ranking P = Relation.Map (fun (x1 x2 : α) => x1 ≥ x2) P P
Instances For
At least the answer for a is the union of the answers from a up (30).
At most the answer for a excludes every answer not below a (31).
The two-sided answers to the question of how many, by the measure μ.
Equations
- CoppockBrochhagen2013.twoSided μ i = μ ⁻¹' {i}
Instances For
The one-sided answers to the question of how many, by the measure μ.
Equations
- CoppockBrochhagen2013.oneSided μ i = μ ⁻¹' Set.Ici i
Instances For
At most weakens as the number grows, so at most two entails at most three (32).
On mutually exclusive answers at least widens its prejacent, as at least an assistant professor is true of a full professor (59).
On answers ranked by entailment at least leaves its prejacent as it is.
On the question of how many, at least is the Fragment's reading of the numeral it modifies, pulled back along the count.
On the question of how many, at most is the Fragment's reading of the numeral it modifies, pulled back along the count.
The inquisitive entries (§3.3) #
At least p raises every answer at least as strong as p (52).
Equations
- CoppockBrochhagen2013.atLeastInq S C p = {q : Set W | q ∈ C ∧ S q p}
Instances For
At most p raises every answer at most as strong as p, cut down to the worlds where no
stronger answer is true (60).
Equations
- CoppockBrochhagen2013.atMostInq S C p = (fun (x : Set W) => x ∩ Focus.Particles.atMost S C p) '' {q : Set W | q ∈ C ∧ S p q}
Instances For
The informational content of inquisitive at least is min (§3.7).
The informational content of inquisitive at most is max, within the common ground (§3.7).
Applying the choice-function entry (53) pointwise to a nonempty set of answers returns that set: every member is the value of some choice function.
On nested answers at least is attentive, raising a stronger answer inside its prejacent (58).
On mutually exclusive answers at least is inquisitive, raising two maximal possibilities (59b).
On one-sided answers at most a raises the preimage of [i, a] for each i ≤ a (64).
On two-sided answers at most a raises each answer up to a unchanged (63).
Ignorance (§3.4.1) #
The Maxim of Interactive Sincerity (68) requires a proposition that raises several
possibilities to raise several within the speaker's information set k.
Equations
- CoppockBrochhagen2013.InteractiveSincerity P k = (P.Nontrivial → (Inquisitive.Unrestricted.restrict P k).Nontrivial)
Instances For
A speaker whose information set lies in one answer P b at or above a, and meets each
answer from a up wholly or not at all, restricts at least a to a single possibility (71).
An information set inside one two-sided answer meets each two-sided answer wholly or not at all.
An information set inside one two-sided answer meets each one-sided answer wholly or not at all.
A speaker who knows that hexagons have six sides violates Interactive Sincerity with at least five, on either analysis of the bare numeral, since the sentence raises several possibilities (70a).
The comparative raises its one possibility, so it never violates Interactive Sincerity, and on counts more than four has the content of at least five (72), (73).
Exhaustivity (§3.4.2) #
The worlds of the four-world model of Figure 3, by whether Ann and whether Bill snores.
Equations
- CoppockBrochhagen2013.World = (Bool × Bool)
Instances For
Ann snores, Bill snores, and the question who snores.
Equations
- CoppockBrochhagen2013.ann = {w : CoppockBrochhagen2013.World | w.1 = true}
Instances For
Equations
- CoppockBrochhagen2013.bill = {w : CoppockBrochhagen2013.World | w.2 = true}
Instances For
Equations
Instances For
Exhaustifying Ann snores excludes that Bill snores, and exhaustifying at least Ann snores, on the entailment scale, does not (Figure 4).