Documentation

Studies.Grano2024

Grano (2024): Intention Reports and Eventuality Abstraction in a Theory of Mood Choice #

This file formalizes [Gra24]'s account of why 'intend' accepts nonfinite and subjunctive complements but rejects indicative ones across Spanish, French, Portuguese, Italian, Greek, Romanian, and English, as 'want' does and as 'hope' does not (Table 1). Three premises carry the argument: intention reports have causally self-referential content ([Sea83], [Har76]), an intention being carried out only if it causes the outcome in the right way; encoding that content takes abstraction over the complement's eventuality argument, since causation relates eventualities (Event.causedClosure_factorsThrough_iff); and subjunctive and nonfinite clauses can leave that argument open where the indicative closes it (MoodHead). The pool of the paper's judged complements records each predicate's class, the complement type, and where it matters the reading, and abstraction_rejects_indicative checks the conclusion over every row that requires abstraction: intention reports, causatives, the intention-rigid aim and try, aspectual predicates, the intention readings of persuade, decide, promise, and plan, and the event readings of memory and perception reports. Section 3's case against [PR20] and [GM21] is intend_like_hope_in_logic: on realism, consistency, and monotonicity 'intend' patterns with 'hope', whose indicative those theories license by that very profile, yet every indicative row under 'intend' is rejected. The Hintikka semantics of (73) is the modal box over intention alternatives, and the three properties follow from their overlap with the doxastic alternatives (realism and its siblings); the verb entries of the language fragments record the finite moods the pool accepts (fragments_match_pool); and section 7's synthesis reads the availability of the indicative off the two departures from default clausal semantics, a pair of modal backgrounds and eventuality abstraction (indicative_possible_iff).

Implementation notes #

The mood heads are those of section 5, (87) to (89): the subjunctive is ambiguous between a head that closes the eventuality argument as the indicative does and one that passes it up, so an open argument implies subjunctive or nonfinite form and not conversely. A head's clause denotes in a sum type, a proposition or a predicate of eventualities, the type mismatch under 'intend' being the absence of the second. Nonfinite complements carry the subjunctive's two heads, as the paper says without illustrating. sbjvCausal is the alternative of section 7, (134), which moves the quantification of 'intend' into the mood head. Whether a class needs eventuality abstraction is the paper's premise per class; for the hybrid, commissive, plan, memory, and perception predicates the reading of the row decides. The simplification condition of [PR20] is read off the consistency rows: a pair of backgrounds may collapse when the class rejects inconsistent prejacents. French faire with indicative complements, (43a) and (44b), which the paper leaves as open exceptions, is not in the pool, and the paper's remarks on nominal avoir l'intention and on French and Italian rejecting non-control complements under 'intend' altogether are recorded as rows without a theorem.

References #

The pool #

The predicate classes of the pool.

  • want : Class
  • hope : Class
  • intend : Class
  • causative : Class
  • intentionRigid : Class

    aim, try, endeavor, strive, seek, section 6.1.

  • hybrid : Class

    persuade, convince, decide: intention with a nonfinite or subjunctive complement, belief with an indicative one.

  • commissive : Class

    promise, agree, pledge, swear: a commissive or an assertion by the same split.

  • plan : Class
  • aspectual : Class
  • memory : Class
  • perception : Class
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    def Grano2024.instReprClass.repr :
    Class → ℕ → Std.Format
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      The complement types of the pool.

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        def Grano2024.instReprComplement.repr :
        Complement → ℕ → Std.Format
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          Section 5: mood heads and the eventuality argument #

          The mood heads of section 5. The indicative and the first subjunctive close the eventuality argument of their clause and the second subjunctive passes it up; mood in nonfinite clauses patterns with the subjunctive.

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            def Grano2024.instReprMoodHead.repr :
            MoodHead → ℕ → Std.Format
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              The head passes the eventuality argument up.

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                def Grano2024.MoodHead.denote {W : Type u_1} {Ev : Type u_2} (m : MoodHead) (P : W → Ev → Prop) :
                (W → Prop) ⊕ (W → Ev → Prop)

                The denotation of a mood head applied to its clause: a proposition once the eventuality argument is closed, the clause's own predicate of eventualities otherwise. The indicative and the first subjunctive denote alike, which is why section 7 adds a second departure from the default to keep the subjunctive out of indicative environments.

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                  theorem Grano2024.MoodHead.isRight_denote {W : Type u_1} {Ev : Type u_2} {m : MoodHead} {P : W → Ev → Prop} :
                  (m.denote P).isRight = true ↔ m.Opens

                  A head's clause offers an open predicate of eventualities exactly when the head opens.

                  theorem Grano2024.MoodHead.denote_indic_eq_sbjv₁ {W : Type u_1} {Ev : Type u_2} (P : W → Ev → Prop) :

                  (87a) and (88a): the indicative and the first subjunctive denote alike.

                  Premise 3, one direction: a clause with an open eventuality argument is not indicative.

                  The other direction fails: the first subjunctive closes the argument as the indicative does.

                  Premise 3 for complement types: some head of the complement leaves its eventuality argument open.

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                    The reading a row is judged on, where the predicate has more than one.

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                      def Grano2024.instReprReading.repr :
                      Reading → ℕ → Std.Format
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                        The logical diagnostics of section 3: an impossible prejacent, two incompatible prejacents, and a prejacent with a rejected superset.

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                          def Grano2024.instReprDiagnostic.repr :
                          Diagnostic → ℕ → Std.Format
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                            structure Grano2024.Row :

                            A judged complement clause.

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                              def Grano2024.instDecidableEqRow.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Row) :
                              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                instance Grano2024.instReprRow :
                                Repr Row
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                                def Grano2024.instReprRow.repr :
                                Row → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                  def Grano2024.Row.ofDatum (ex : Datum) :
                                  Option Row
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                                    The paper's judged complements, sections 2, 3, 6, and 7.

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                                      theorem Grano2024.rows_length :
                                      rows.length = Examples.all.length

                                      Every example of the paper is a row.

                                      Premises 1 and 2 and the conclusion, over the pool #

                                      The classes whose semantics relates to an eventuality: intention through the causal self-reference of Premises 1 and 2, causation, the intention-rigid predicates, and aspect.

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                                        A row requires eventuality abstraction by its class or by an intention or event reading.

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                                          The conclusion (72d) over the pool: wherever abstraction is required the indicative is rejected, and where the same predicate takes an indicative complement it is read as belief, assertion, foresight, or a proposition instead.

                                          Each class that requires abstraction has an acceptable open complement in the pool.

                                          'want' rejects the indicative throughout, the idle desire of (128) included.

                                          'hope' varies: Spanish rejects the indicative, the other languages accept it.

                                          Table 1 and the fragment entries #

                                          The finite moods among the complement types, as codings of a clausal argument position.

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                                            The fragment verb for a language and a class of Table 1.

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                                              The cells of Table 1 with a verb entry, and the causatives of section 2.2. Spanish 'intend' is the nominal tener la intención, and the French and English entries do not record finite mood.

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                                                theorem Grano2024.verbOf_isSome (c : Glottocode × Class) :
                                                c ∈ cells → (verbOf c.1 c.2).isSome = true

                                                Every cell has its verb.

                                                theorem Grano2024.fragments_match_pool (c : Glottocode × Class) :
                                                c ∈ cells → ∀ v ∈ verbOf c.1 c.2, ∀ (m : Complement), ∀ k ∈ m.coding?, k ∈ v.codings ↔ ∃ r ∈ rows, r.language = c.1 ∧ r.cls = c.2 ∧ r.complement = m ∧ r.diagnostic = none ∧ r.reading = none ∧ r.judgment = Judgment.acceptable

                                                The fragment entries record the paper's judgments: in each cell the verb has a finite complement in a mood exactly when the pool has an acceptable complement in that mood, outside the rows that test a diagnostic or a second reading.

                                                The variation of 'hope' in two entries with one form: Portuguese esperar takes the indicative and Spanish esperar does not.

                                                Section 3: the logical profile of 'intend' #

                                                The class fails diagnostic d somewhere in the pool.

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                                                  instance Grano2024.instDecidableFails (c : Class) (d : Diagnostic) :
                                                  Decidable (c.Fails d)
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                                                  On realism, consistency, and monotonicity 'intend' patterns with 'hope' and against 'want', yet on mood with 'want': the theories that license the indicative under 'hope' by that profile, [PR20]'s simplification of consistent backgrounds and [GM21]'s optional nonveridicality, predict it under 'intend' as well.

                                                  The semantics of intention reports, section 4 #

                                                  (73) is necessity over the worlds compatible with the agent's intentions, □[int]. Its one substantive constraint is that those worlds overlap the worlds compatible with the agent's beliefs, ◇[int] (w ~[dox] ·) w, from which realism, consistency, and monotonicity follow. (78) moves to the de se triples of an intention state, and (79) adds the causal self-reference, closing the complement's eventuality argument over what the state causes.

                                                  theorem Grano2024.realism {W : Type u_1} {int dox : SetRel W W} {p : W → Prop} {w : W} (h : ModalLogic.Diamond int (fun (x : W) => (w, x) ∈ dox) w) (hp : ModalLogic.Box int p w) :

                                                  Realism: what is intended is believed possible.

                                                  theorem Grano2024.consistency {W : Type u_1} {int dox : SetRel W W} {p q : W → Prop} {w : W} (h : ModalLogic.Diamond int (fun (x : W) => (w, x) ∈ dox) w) (hp : ModalLogic.Box int p w) (hq : ModalLogic.Box int q w) :
                                                  ModalLogic.Diamond dox (fun (v : W) => p v ∧ q v) w

                                                  Consistency: two intentions are believed jointly possible, by realism for their conjunction.

                                                  theorem Grano2024.monotonicity {W : Type u_1} {int : SetRel W W} {p q : W → Prop} {w : W} (hpq : p ≤ q) (hp : ModalLogic.Box int p w) :

                                                  Monotonicity: intending the narrower prejacent is intending the wider.

                                                  structure Grano2024.IntentionFrame (E : Type u_1) (W : Type u_2) (T : Type u_3) (Ev : Type u_4) :
                                                  Type (max (max (max u_1 u_2) u_3) u_4)

                                                  The ingredients of (78) and (79): intention states, their holders, their content as world, time, and individual triples, and causation in the right way between eventualities.

                                                  • intention : Ev → W → Prop
                                                  • holder : E → Ev → W → Prop
                                                  • content : Ev → Set (W × T × E)
                                                  • causeStar : Ev → Ev → W → Prop
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                                                    def Grano2024.IntentionFrame.Report₃ {E : Type u_1} {W : Type u_2} {T : Type u_3} {Ev : Type u_4} [LT T] (F : IntentionFrame E W T Ev) (x : E) (Q : E → T → W → Prop) (w : W) :

                                                    (78): x intends Q at w when some intention state of x has, at every triple of its content, a later time at which Q holds. The complement is a property of individuals, times, and worlds, which an indicative clause can supply.

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                                                      def Grano2024.IntentionFrame.Report {E : Type u_1} {W : Type u_2} {T : Type u_3} {Ev : Type u_4} [LT T] (F : IntentionFrame E W T Ev) (x : E) (P : E → T → W → Ev → Prop) (w : W) :

                                                      (79): as (78), but at every triple of its content the state causes in the right way an eventuality of the complement at a later time. The complement keeps its eventuality argument, closed here over what the state causes.

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                                                        theorem Grano2024.IntentionFrame.Report.mono {E : Type u_1} {W : Type u_2} {T : Type u_3} {Ev : Type u_4} [LT T] {F : IntentionFrame E W T Ev} {x : E} {P : E → T → W → Ev → Prop} {w : W} {Q : E → T → W → Ev → Prop} (hPQ : ∀ (y : E) (t : T) (w : W) (e : Ev), P y t w e → Q y t w e) (h : F.Report x P w) :
                                                        F.Report x Q w

                                                        Monotonicity survives the causal self-reference: a report of the narrower complement is a report of the wider.

                                                        theorem Grano2024.IntentionFrame.Report.report₃ {E : Type u_1} {W : Type u_2} {T : Type u_3} {Ev : Type u_4} [LT T] {F : IntentionFrame E W T Ev} {x : E} {P : E → T → W → Ev → Prop} {w : W} (h : F.Report x P w) :
                                                        F.Report₃ x (fun (y : E) (t : T) => Event.closure (P y t)) w

                                                        The causally self-referential report entails the report of the closed complement.

                                                        theorem Grano2024.IntentionFrame.report_iff_report₃ {E : Type u_1} {W : Type u_2} {T : Type u_3} {Ev : Type u_4} [LT T] {F : IntentionFrame E W T Ev} {x : E} {P : E → T → W → Ev → Prop} {w : W} (h : ∀ (s e : Ev) (w : W), F.causeStar s e w) :
                                                        F.Report x P w ↔ F.Report₃ x (fun (y : E) (t : T) => Event.closure (P y t)) w

                                                        When every state causes every eventuality, (79) says no more than (78) of the closed complement. Otherwise its prejacent is not a function of the closed complement (Event.causedClosure_factorsThrough_iff).

                                                        def Grano2024.sbjvCausal {W : Type u_1} {Ev : Type u_2} (content : Ev → W → Prop) (causeStar : Ev → Ev → W → Prop) (P : W → Ev → Prop) (s : Ev) :

                                                        The subjunctive of (134), for a theory that moves the modal quantification from 'intend' into the mood head: simple necessity over the content worlds of the attitude state, with the causally self-referential prejacent.

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                                                          Section 7: the two departures from default clausal semantics #

                                                          A class whose reports carry two modal backgrounds, the doxastic-like and the bouletic ([PR20]); 'intend' is taken to carry one, the paper's footnote 50.

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                                                            [PR20]'s simplification read off the pool: the pair may collapse to one background when the class requires its backgrounds to be consistent, that is, rejects inconsistent prejacents.

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                                                              The indicative is available when neither departure is in force: no eventuality abstraction, and a single background or a pair that may simplify.

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                                                                For the four classes of sections 2 and 3, the indicative is possible exactly when the pool has an acceptable indicative complement for the class.