Agha and Jeretič (2026): Modal force and its realization across languages #
This file formalizes the tests and typologies of [AJ26]'s survey of modal force. Weak necessity is weaker than strong necessity: a strong necessity conjoined with the denial of another over one domain is contradictory and the conjunction of two is trivial, while should φ but you don't have to is consistent and should φ, and in fact you must is informative ((6), (8), (11), (12)); the decided paradigm of [Fer23] derives this from the force scale, and the chapter's rows exhibit it across languages. Of the three analyses the chapter surveys, domain restriction ([vFI08]), comparison ([Rub14]) and plural predication ([AJ22]), the first neg-raises only over a decided domain. Polarity-sensitive variable-force modals are possibility modals whose necessity readings arise from what they project ([Dea11], [Jer21b], [New22]): the projections of Nez Perce o'qa, Siona ba'iji, Swedish får and Kinande anga license the readings of the chapter's table in each environment, and exhaustifying a possibility modal over its subdomain alternatives yields necessity ([BLF20]). The scope of the necessity modals under negation and the determiner–modal generalization for infinitival relatives ([HN99a]) are stated over the rows.
Main definitions #
Projection,Available: what a possibility modal projects, and the readings a projection licenses in an environment.
Main results #
contradiction_tests,triviality_tests,tests_predicted,crosslinguistic_tests: (6), (8), (11) and (12) from the force scale, and the chapter's judgments row by row.vfiWeak_negRaises_iff: domain-restriction weak necessity neg-raises for every prejacent at once only in the one-world limit of its domain.projection_matches_table,readings_licensed: the four projections license exactly the readings of the chapter's table, and every reading of its examples.exh_subdomain: (50), exhaustification over the subdomain alternatives is necessity over the domain.weak_never_narrow,must_narrow_iff_higher,haveTo_always_narrow,strong_determiner_should: the scope and infinitival-relative generalizations over the rows.
Implementation notes #
Availabletranscribes the chapter's reasoning about each cell of its table; only the exhaustification step is derived. anga'sprunablebit is idle, since its secondary ordering already yields weak necessity; why anga cannot prune paswa as får prunes behöva is the question the chapter leaves open.- On must under higher negation the chapter and the rows of [Rub14] agree: both reject the reading with the negation inside the modal's scope.
TODO #
- The discourse-sensitive variable-force modals, the overt exhaustifiers, collapse variable force and the covert modals of the final section have no formal counterpart.
References #
Weak and strong necessity (§2.1) #
A strong necessity conjoined with the denial of a strong necessity over one domain is contradictory, and a weak necessity conjoined with it is consistent, (6) and (8).
A strong necessity after a strong necessity is trivial, and after a weak necessity informative, (11) and (12).
The force a row names.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2026.forceTable = [("strong", Modality.ModalForce.necessity), ("weak", Modality.ModalForce.weakNecessity)]
Instances For
Every row of a test names the forces of its conjuncts, or the force of its modal.
In the chapter's English tests, □₁ φ ∧ ¬□₂ φ is contradictory and □₁ φ ∧ □₂ φ trivial
exactly when the first force entails the second.
Across languages, a necessity modal survives the denial of strong necessity exactly when its force is weak, (15)–(17), (26) and (28).
Domain-restriction weak necessity neg-raises for every prejacent at once exactly when its nested best-world domain has at most one world, the dichotomous limit [Hor01] excludes from neg-raising: a library observation, where the chapter's §2.5 only remarks that a non-quantificational semantics may fare better on the neg-raising facts.
Scope under negation ((18)–(20)) #
A weak necessity modal never takes scope below negation.
Must takes scope below negation exactly when the negation is in a higher clause.
Have to takes scope below negation wherever the negation is.
Polarity-sensitive variable force (§3) #
The environments the typology distinguishes.
- unembedded : Environment
An unembedded clause.
- clausemateNegation : Environment
Under a clausemate negation.
- otherDE : Environment
Another downward-entailing context.
Instances For
Equations
- AghaJeretic2026.instDecidableEqEnvironment x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Equations
- AghaJeretic2026.instReprEnvironment = { reprPrec := AghaJeretic2026.instReprEnvironment.repr }
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Equations
- AghaJeretic2026.instReprProjection = { reprPrec := AghaJeretic2026.instReprProjection.repr }
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The readings a projection licenses in an environment. Unembedded, obligatory exhaustification of subdomain alternatives removes the possibility reading unless a scalemate supplies it, and strengthens to strong or weak necessity according to the domain; under clausemate negation there is no clause boundary for the exhaustifier, and the necessity reading is no special case of possibility; in other downward-entailing contexts exhaustification is optional.
Equations
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- AghaJeretic2026.Available π AghaJeretic2026.Environment.unembedded Modality.ModalForce.possibility = (¬π.subdomain = true ∨ π.scalemate = true)
- AghaJeretic2026.Available π AghaJeretic2026.Environment.unembedded Modality.ModalForce.weakNecessity = (π.subdomain = true ∧ π.secondaryOrdering = true)
- AghaJeretic2026.Available π AghaJeretic2026.Environment.clausemateNegation x✝ = (x✝ = Modality.ModalForce.possibility)
- AghaJeretic2026.Available π AghaJeretic2026.Environment.otherDE Modality.ModalForce.possibility = True
- AghaJeretic2026.Available π AghaJeretic2026.Environment.otherDE Modality.ModalForce.necessity = (π.subdomain = true ∧ ¬π.secondaryOrdering = true)
- AghaJeretic2026.Available π AghaJeretic2026.Environment.otherDE Modality.ModalForce.weakNecessity = (π.subdomain = true ∧ π.secondaryOrdering = true)
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
- AghaJeretic2026.instDecidableAvailable π AghaJeretic2026.Environment.clausemateNegation x✝ = AghaJeretic2026.instDecidableAvailable._aux_4 π x✝
- AghaJeretic2026.instDecidableAvailable π AghaJeretic2026.Environment.otherDE Modality.ModalForce.possibility = { decide := true, reflects_decide := ⋯ }
Nez Perce o'qa projects nothing ([Dea11]).
Equations
- AghaJeretic2026.oqa = { subdomain := false, scalemate := false, prunable := false, secondaryOrdering := false }
Instances For
Siona ba'iji projects subdomain alternatives and has no scalemate.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2026.baiji = { subdomain := true, scalemate := false, prunable := false, secondaryOrdering := false }
Instances For
Swedish får projects subdomain alternatives and a prunable scalemate, behöva.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2026.får = { subdomain := true, scalemate := true, prunable := true, secondaryOrdering := false }
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Kinande anga projects subdomain alternatives, has the scalemate paswa, and quantifies over a doubly restricted domain.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2026.anga = { subdomain := true, scalemate := true, prunable := false, secondaryOrdering := true }
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The projection a row concerns.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2026.projection? e = e.parse? "modal" [("o'qa", AghaJeretic2026.oqa), ("ba'iji", AghaJeretic2026.baiji), ("får", AghaJeretic2026.får), ("anga", AghaJeretic2026.anga)]
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The environment a row concerns.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The key under which a row records a force's reading.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2026.forceKey Modality.ModalForce.possibility = "possibility"
- AghaJeretic2026.forceKey Modality.ModalForce.necessity = "necessity"
- AghaJeretic2026.forceKey Modality.ModalForce.weakNecessity = "weak necessity"
Instances For
The projections license exactly the readings the chapter's table records.
Every reading the chapter's examples record is licensed, and every reading they exclude is not.
Exhaustification of subdomain alternatives (§3.2) #
Over a nonempty domain, exhaustifying the possibility modal, the disjunction of the prejacent over the domain, against its subdomain alternatives yields necessity, the prejacent at every world of the domain, (50). Worlds are the states recording where the prejacent holds.
Covert modality (§4) #
In infinitival relatives a strong determiner forces the should reading and excludes the could reading, where a weak determiner allows both, (90)–(92).