Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Sag2010

English Filler-Gap Constructions #

[Sag10]

Parametric variation across the five types of English filler-gap (F-G) clause, following [Sag10]. The clauses share a common filler-head structure but differ systematically along the seven parameters of variation listed in the paper, and they cross-classify with clause-type supertypes from which their semantics is inherited.

The five F-G clause types #

  1. Wh-interrogative: "How foolish is he?" / "I wonder how foolish he is."
  2. Wh-exclamative: "What a fool he is!" / "It's amazing how odd it is."
  3. Topicalized: "The bagels, I like."
  4. Wh-relative: "the person who they nominated"
  5. The-clause: "The more people I met, the happier I became."

What is modeled #

This file formalizes the descriptive parameter table of [Sag10] §2.1 plus the inheritance skeleton of the Sign-Based Construction Grammar analysis:

The full SBCG feature-structure unification engine (signs, MTR/DTRS feature geometry, multiple-inheritance lattice) is out of scope for a study file; it would live in the HPSG theory layer.

Bridges (true by construction, not by prose) #

Syntactic categories #

inductive Sag2010.SynCat :

Syntactic categories relevant to F-G filler and head daughters. Nonverbal categories (NP, PP, AP, AdvP) appear as fillers; verbal projections (S, CP, VP) appear in the head daughter.

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    def Sag2010.instReprSynCat.repr :
    SynCatStd.Format
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      A category is nonverbal when it is not a verbal projection. [Sag10]'s filler-head construction constrains every filler daughter to be [CAT nonverbal] ((25)).

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        Parameters of variation ((6)) #

        The distinguished wh-element a construction requires in its filler daughter ((6a), (7)).

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          def Sag2010.instReprFillerWh.repr :
          FillerWhStd.Format
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            Inversion policy on the head daughter ((28)). Wh-interrogatives invert iff the clause is independent — the IC/INV identity constraint of construction (80), not an unconditional requirement.

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                Whether the head daughter may be infinitival ((29)).

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                  def Sag2010.instReprFiniteness.repr :
                  FinitenessStd.Format
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                    Syntactic category of the head daughter ((6c), (27)).

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                      def Sag2010.instReprHeadCat.repr :
                      HeadCatStd.Format
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                        The [IC ±] (independent-clause) status a construction imposes, with its embedding profile ((31); §5.1, §5.3).

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                          def Sag2010.instReprICStatus.repr :
                          ICStatusStd.Format
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                            Clause-type supertype and inherited semantics ((30)) #

                            The clause-type supertype an F-G construction cross-classifies with in [Sag10]'s type hierarchy (§3, Appendix B). A nonsubject wh-interrogative construct is simultaneously a filler-head-cxt and an interrogative-cl; its semantic type is inherited from the latter and shared with non-F-G clauses of the same type.

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                              def Sag2010.instReprClauseType.repr :
                              ClauseTypeStd.Format
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                                Semantic type of a clause ((30), following [GS00]'s Vendlerian typology of facts, propositions, questions, and outcomes).

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                                  def Sag2010.instReprSemType.repr :
                                  SemTypeStd.Format
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                                    The compositional contribution of a construction, kept distinct from the clause's semantic type. The wh-relative clause denotes a proposition ((30b)), but the wh-relative construction contributes a common-noun-phrase modifier λPλx[…] ((90)) — two things [Sag10] keeps separate.

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                                      def Sag2010.instReprComposition.repr :
                                      CompositionStd.Format
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                                        The construction bundle #

                                        The constraints a filler-gap construction imposes, indexed by [Sag10]'s parameters of variation ((6)). Models the descriptive parameter table of §2.1; clauseType records the cross-classifying supertype from which the semantic type is inherited. The (6f) island parameter is not a field here — islandhood is a Models fact about the construction's RSRL sort (FGClauseType.IsIsland), derived from the [GAP ⟨⟩] principle plus amalgamation, not stored as a tag.

                                        • fillerCategories : List SynCat

                                          (6b) Allowed syntactic categories of the filler daughter ((25)).

                                        • fillerWh : FillerWh

                                          (6a) The distinguished wh-element in the filler ((6a), (7)).

                                        • headCategory : HeadCat

                                          (6c) Syntactic category of the head daughter ((27)).

                                        • headInversion : InversionPolicy

                                          (6d) Inversion policy on the head daughter ((28)).

                                        • headFiniteness : Finiteness

                                          (6d) Whether the head daughter may be infinitival ((29)).

                                        • clauseType : ClauseType

                                          (6e) The cross-classifying clause-type supertype, which determines the semantic type ((30)).

                                        • (6g) The [IC ±] status and embedding profile ((31)).

                                        • composition : Composition

                                          Compositional contribution; cnpModifier for wh-relatives ((90)).

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                                            The semantic type of a construction, inherited from its clause supertype.

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                                              The five constructions #

                                              The five types of English filler-gap clause ((1)-(5)).

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                                                  The parameter bundle of each filler-gap construction, with every value sourced from [Sag10] §2.1 and §5.

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                                                    Inheritance from the filler-head-cxt supertype #

                                                    [Sag10] derives the shared properties of filler-gap clauses from constraints on the superordinate filler-head-cxt, inherited by all five subtypes — not stipulated five times. We state the supertype constraint once and verify every construction inherits it.

                                                    The filler-daughter constraint imposed by the filler-head-cxt supertype: the filler is [CAT nonverbal] ((25)).

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                                                      Every filler-gap construction inherits the [CAT nonverbal] filler constraint from filler-head-cxt — proved once for the whole family, never a verbal projection ((25)).

                                                      Cross-classification and inherited semantics ((30)) #

                                                      The semantic type is inherited from the clause-type supertype: it is not an independent per-construction stipulation.

                                                      The five constructions realize all four semantic types, with topicalization and the-clause sharing austinean[Sag10]'s point that F-G clauses are not semantically uniform ((30)).

                                                      Wh-interrogatives inherit question semantics from interrogative-cl, the supertype they share with non-filler-gap (e.g. subject) interrogatives.

                                                      Topicalization and the-clause share the declarative-cl supertype, hence the same austinean semantics — one shared fact, not two stipulations ((30d), (30e)). The declarative-cl membership of topicalization follows [Sag10]'s Appendix-B hierarchy; construction (61) states only ↑filler-head-cxt explicitly.

                                                      Grounding in the RSRL construct hierarchy ([SCA+20b] Figs. 6–7) #

                                                      The five clause types are sorts in the RSRL construct hierarchy (Syntax/HPSG/Construction), where the filler-head inheritance and the clausal cross-classification above are theorems about the sort order — the model-theoretic substrate ([Ric00]) under the fgParams record.

                                                      Every clause type is a filler-head construct in the RSRL hierarchy, so it inherits filler-head-cxt's constraints (head verbal, filler↔gap token identity) proved in Construction.lean — the model-theoretic ground of fg_inherits_nonverbal_filler.

                                                      The RSRL clausal cross-classification agrees with the local clauseType assignment: each clause type's construct sits below the RSRL clausal sort matching (fgParams c).clauseType. The cross-classification of this section is thus the same fact as the RSRL sort order.

                                                      Inversion ((28)) #

                                                      Inversion policy across the family: only wh-interrogatives covary with independence (the IC/INV identity of (80)); topicalization, exclamatives, and relatives never invert ((28b)); noninitial the-clauses invert optionally ((28c)).

                                                      Islands as a property of the construction type ([Sag10] §5.1) #

                                                      [Sag10] argues islandhood is a construction-specific [GAP ⟨⟩] restriction, not universal Subjacency. Here islandhood is a Models fact about the construction's sort in the canonical RSRL signature (Syntax/HPSG/Construction): a construction is an absolute island iff its construct cannot host a second, undischarged gap — the [GAP ⟨⟩] principle plus amalgamation reject it.

                                                      A filler-gap construction is an absolute extraction island iff its construct cannot host a second, undischarged gap — a Models fact about the RSRL sort ((67), (73), (74)), derived from the [GAP ⟨⟩] principle plus amalgamation, not stored as a tag. Each case is ¬ Models of the construction's two-gap RSRL worked model (Syntax/HPSG/Construction): an island rejects the second gap, a non-island admits it.

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                                                        Topicalization is an absolute island ((67)): a topicalized construct with a second gap is rejected by the [GAP ⟨⟩] principle.

                                                        Wh-exclamatives are absolute islands ((74)).

                                                        Wh-interrogatives, wh-relatives, and the-clauses are not constructional islands: a second gap amalgamates freely (no [GAP ⟨⟩]). For wh-relatives this diverges from the classic Complex-NP Constraint — [Sag10] re-attributes the residual degradation to processing ([HS10]), not grammar.

                                                        The filler-gap constructions that are absolute extraction islands — exactly those whose construct rejects a second gap ((67), (73), (74)). Computed from the RSRL Models verdict, not stipulated.

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                                                          Exactly wh-exclamatives and topicalization are filler-gap islands.

                                                          Reconciliation with the Ross taxonomy and the HPSG mechanism #

                                                          [Sag10]'s construction-typed islands classify whole construction types, orthogonal to [Ros67]'s configurational island domains. The chronologically-later account (Sag) draws the comparison.

                                                          The construction-typed IsIsland verdicts are grounded in the same RSRL gap mechanism as the SLASH analysis: the model-theoretic content of an absolute island is [GAP ⟨⟩] plus amalgamation blocking a second gap. Derived from [SWB03]'s authoritative islands_rsrl_grounded (over the canonical Syntax/HPSG/Construction signature), not re-stated — the construction-tag level and the gap-list mechanism agree.

                                                          Agreement with [SWB03]: the topicalization island is the same datum in two analyses — Sag's [GAP ⟨⟩] topicalization construct and the generic HPSG SLASH model both block a second gap.

                                                          The sharpest divergence from [Ros67]: the relative clause is Ross's paradigm Complex-NP-Constraint island, yet [Sag10]'s wh-relative construction is no grammatical island — its construct admits a second gap, whereas a configurational island (Ross's CNPC domain, modeled as a generic absolute island) blocks it. The residual effect is processing, not grammar ([HS10]).

                                                          Surface clause form (bridge to Features.ClauseForm) #

                                                          Surface clause form, where a construction has a direct correspondent in Features.ClauseForm. Wh-interrogatives map to the independent (matrix) form; topicalization and the-clause are declarative; exclamatives and relatives have no ClauseForm correspondent.

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                                                            Topicalization corresponds to a declarative surface form.

                                                            Wh-interrogatives correspond to the matrix-question surface form.

                                                            Wh-word inventory (Table 1) #

                                                            [Sag10]'s Table 1 classifies each wh-form by syntactic category with a three-valued judgment (+ full, % for some speakers, - excluded) across the three wh-construction types. The category splits carry Sag's central claim that 'wh-expression' is not a unitary category (§2.1). Where Table 1 and the worked examples diverge (e.g. what·NP relative is - in the table but % at (11c)), this transcribes the printed table.

                                                            A three-valued participation judgment (Table 1: +, %, -).

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                                                              def Sag2010.instReprWhStatus.repr :
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                                                                inductive Sag2010.WhForm :

                                                                The wh-forms of Table 1.

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                                                                  def Sag2010.instReprWhForm.repr :
                                                                  WhFormStd.Format
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                                                                    The syntactic categories a wh-form bears in Table 1.

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                                                                      def Sag2010.instReprWhCategory.repr :
                                                                      WhCategoryStd.Format
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                                                                        One row of Table 1: a wh-form in a given category, with its participation in each of the three wh-construction types.

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                                                                          def Sag2010.instDecidableEqWhWordProfile.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : WhWordProfile) :
                                                                          Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                                              [Sag10] Table 1, faithful to its category splits and three-valued judgments.

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                                                                                No wh-form/category row is a full participant in all three construction types — [Sag10]'s point that 'wh-expression' is not a unitary category (§2.1). The closest cases (e.g. manner how) are only % in the relative column.

                                                                                The manner wh-word how participates fully in both interrogatives and exclamatives — one of the few wh-forms crossing that boundary ((18)-(20)).