Documentation

Linglib.Syntax.HPSG.Construction

The canonical SBCG construct hierarchy with list-valued GAP in RSRL #

[Sag10] [SCA+20b] [Sag12] [BMS01b] [Ric00] [Ric24] [PS01] [BC24a]

The single canonical RSRL signature for the Sign-Based Construction Grammar fragment, formalized on the RSRL feature-structure substrate (Syntax/HPSG/{Signature,Interpretation,Description}). HPSG is a model-theoretic (not generative-enumerative) framework [PS01]: a grammar is a signature plus principles, and grammaticality is satisfaction — membership in the class of structures that are well-formed in every component with respect to every principle (Models) — not derivation from a start symbol ([Ric24] Ch. 3, on the RSRL model theory of [Ric00]). The signature carries RSRL's member relation (the "R" in RSRL): list membership giving GAP genuine set semantics, so a filler discharges any member, not only GAP|FIRST (final section). One Signature (sig) carries, in one feature-structure language:

A construction is a constraint τ ⇒ D ([Sag12] (44)) on a construct = [MTR, DTRS] ([Sag12] (46)); inheritance is the sort order plus the implication semantics — a construct whose sort sits below several supersorts satisfies all their principles, with no per-construction restatement. This is the monotonic (no-overriding) inheritance SBCG commits to ([Sag12] fn. 17; the "category restriction operation" of [SCA+20b]).

The hierarchy is the authoritative two-dimensional one of [SCA+20b] (Figs. 6–7):

The cross-classification is a lower bound across the two dimensions — the mechanism [SCA+20b] Fig. 5 illustrates for subj-pred-cl (declarative-cl ⊓ subject-head-cxt). Here [Sag10]'s nonsubject wh-interrogative ns-wh-int-cl ((80), Fig. 8) is a subtype of both filler-head-cxt (headed dim.) and interrogative-cl (clausal dim.), so it inherits the filler-head constraints (head verbal, filler nonverbal, filler↔gap token identity, gap amalgamation) and the interrogative semantics (MTR SEM a question) from one sort assignment — the keystone theorem below.

The GAP feature and islands #

A sign's GAP value is a genuine HPSG list of loc objects — elist (empty) or nelist with FIRST (a loc = CAT + INDEX) / REST ([Sag10]'s ⟨…⟩ notation; [BC24a] (9): SLASH is a set of locals). The filler-head construction binds the head daughter's first gap (token identity between the filler and GAP|FIRST — sharing both CAT and INDEX) and amalgamates the rest onto the mother (MTR|GAP = HD-DTR|GAP|REST), so a clause with two undischarged gaps passes the second up ([Sag10] (53), (59)). Islands fall out of this: an island construction (topicalization (67), wh-exclamative (74)) additionally constrains its mother to [GAP ⟨⟩] (elist); a would-be second gap then makes the amalgamated mother GAP non-empty, contradicting [GAP ⟨⟩], so the construct is rejected — the model-theoretic content of "topicalization is an absolute extraction island", a theorem about Models, not a universal Subjacency. Weak islands (weak-island-cxt) are selectively permeable (NP passes, PP blocked), the NP/PP asymmetry of [SWB03] Ch. 15.

Scope #

This file is the substrate: the type hierarchy, the cross-classification keystone, all five filler-gap constructions ([Sag10] §5: topicalization, wh-exclamative, nonsubject wh-interrogative, wh-relative, the-clause), and the gap/island mechanism. The hierarchy also carries the aux-initial-cxt/interrogative-SAI sort nodes and the INV feature ([SCA+20b] Fig. 6); the inversion construction's own principle and worked constructs are paper-anchored in Studies/SagEtAl2020.lean, and the island/extraction taxonomy theorems in Studies/SagWasowBender2003 and Studies/Sag2010, which consume this substrate.

The relational binding signature bindingSig (Binding.lean) stays a separate example signature over the same RSRL framework — it has its own binding-specific sort hierarchy (anaphor/pronoun/index) and the locO relation; mathlib keeps many example structures over one framework. Both signatures now carry relations (member here, locO there).

GAP elements are loc objects (CAT + INDEX) — the INDEX is a single referential atom (it stands in for the full HPSG CONTENT|INDEX agreement bundle); n-ary DTRS, the WH/REL/IC/VFORM finer variation, and compositional SEM are deferred. Decidability stays inside Models over fixed finite interpretations (Kepser 2004: full RSRL model-checking is undecidable).

Sorts: categories, semantic types, GAP lists, signs, and the construct/clausal hierarchy #

Sorts of the fragment: a category hierarchy, a semantic-type hierarchy, the GAP-list sorts (list > {elist, nelist}), sign, and the [SCA+20b] construct (Fig. 6) and clausal (Fig. 7) type hierarchies, with ns-wh-int-cl as the worked cross-classified subtype ([Sag10] (80), Fig. 8) and the generic island-cxt/weak-island-cxt demonstration subtypes of filler-head-cxt.

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    def HPSG.Construction.instReprSrt.repr :
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      def HPSG.Construction.covers :
      SrtSrtBool

      Direct subsumption ("covers"): the DAG edges (a is directly more specific than b), not the transitive closure. The order is ReflTransGen covers, so transitivity is structural and there is no hand-maintained closure or |Srt|³ decide. Each filler-gap construction covers two parents — its headed-cxt subtype and its clausal type — the multiple inheritance.

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        Specificity depth; every covers edge strictly increases it, giving antisymmetry. The filler-gap constructions sit at depth 6, above both their depth-4 headed parent and their depth-5 clausal type.

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          Attributes and the signature #

          Attributes: a construct's mother (MTR) and head/filler daughters (HDDTR/FILLERDTR); a sign's CAT, (list-valued) GAP, SEM type, and INV value; a nonempty list's FIRST (a category) and REST (a list).

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            def HPSG.Construction.instReprFeat.repr :
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              def HPSG.Construction.approp :
              SrtFeatOption Srt

              Appropriateness: every construct has a MTR (a sign); headed-cxt and its subtypes additionally have HDDTR (and filler-head-cxt a FILLERDTR); a sign has CAT/SEM/INV/INDEX and a list-valued GAP; a nelist has FIRST (a loc) and REST (a list); a loc has CAT and INDEX. Respects feature inheritance ([Ric24]): an attribute appropriate to a sort is appropriate to its subsorts.

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                The fragment's one relation symbol: list membership, member(x, L) — the category x is an element of the GAP list L. This is the RSRL relation (the "R" of RSRL, [Ric24] Ch. 3) that gives GAP genuine set semantics: membership is order-independent, so a filler may discharge any gap in the set, not only GAP|FIRST — the handbook's set-valued SLASH ([BMS01b]).

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                  def HPSG.Construction.instReprCRel.repr :
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                    @[reducible]

                    The fragment's signature, with the member relation (arity 2).

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                      def HPSG.Construction.noRel {U : Type} :
                      CRelList UProp

                      The empty relation interpretation — member holds of nothing. Used by every construct that states no GAP-membership facts (its principles never mention member); the genuine membership interpretation is memberOf on the set-valued worked model below.

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                        instance HPSG.Construction.instDecidablePredListNoRel {U : Type} (ρ : CRel) :
                        DecidablePred (noRel ρ)
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                        Principles (constructions as τ ⇒ D) #

                        Each principle constrains every feature structure whose sort is its antecedent — so a construct inherits a principle exactly when its sort sits below the principle's type.

                        The filler-head construction ([Sag10] (58); placed under headed-cxt in [Sag10] Fig. A2; amalgamation after [BMS01b]): the head daughter is [CAT verbal], the filler is [CAT nonverbal], the filler's category is token-identical (pathEq) to the head daughter's first gap (GAP|FIRST — the bound dependency), and the mother's GAP is the head daughter's GAP|REST (the remaining gaps amalgamate up). The [CAT nonverbal] filler is, in the paper, a per-subtype generalization (each F-G construction's (25)-style parameter, refined to nominal for wh-relative, (25b)) rather than a constraint of (58) itself; it is stated here once on the supertype because every subtype satisfies it.

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                          Clausal semantics ([SCA+20b] Fig. 7, following G&S 2000): the mother's SEM type is fixed by the clausal type — declarative-cl ⇒ austinean, interrogative-cl ⇒ question, exclamative-cl ⇒ fact, relative-cl ⇒ proposition.

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                                  The wh-relative construction's distinguishing constraint ([Sag10] (92), (25b)): unlike the other filler-gap constructions (nonverbal filler), the relative filler is [CAT nominal] — an NP or PP (nominal resolves to noun/prep), excluding AP/AdvP.

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                                    The topicalization construction's distinguishing constraint ([Sag10] (61), (27a)): its head daughter is a [CAT verb] projection (an S), excluding the complementizer-headed CP that the otherwise-similar (also austinean) the-clause allows ((27b): the-clause head is S or CP).

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                                      Absolute island ([Sag10] (67)): a generic island construct's mother is [GAP ⟨⟩] — no dependency penetrates beyond the one its filler binds. This generic island-cxt demonstrates the mechanism for Ross's island domains (Studies/SagWasowBender2003); the F-G constructions that are absolute islands carry their own [GAP ⟨⟩] principle below.

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                                        Weak-island constraint: a weak island is selectively permeable — an NP dependency passes through, a PP (more generally, non-nominal) dependency does not ([SWB03] Ch. 15). Stated on the passing gap: if a weak-island construct's mother GAP|FIRST is a prep (PP), the mother must be [GAP ⟨⟩] — so a PP cannot penetrate, while a noun (NP) mother gap is unconstrained and passes.

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                                          Topicalization is an absolute island ([Sag10] (67)): a topicalization construct's mother is [GAP ⟨⟩]. Stated directly on top-cl (as [Sag10] does, not via a generic island supertype the paper lacks), so a topicalized clause with a second, undischarged gap is rejected.

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                                            Wh-exclamatives are absolute islands ([Sag10] (74)): a wh-exclamative construct's mother is [GAP ⟨⟩].

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                                              The head-modifier construction ([Sag10] §6; [PS94] Head-Adjunct Schema): an adjunct (e.g. a relative clause) modifies a head daughter. The modifier daughter's MOD value is token-identical to the head daughter's CAT (the modifier selects exactly that category), and the mother's CAT is the head daughter's CAT (the Head Feature Principle: modification preserves the head's category). So a relative clause modifying a noun yields a noun.

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                                                The inflectional lexical rule ([Sag12] (48) inflectional-cxt; [PS94] lexical rules): a category-preserving lexical rule (e.g. passive: V ⤳ V) relates a mother to its input base, with the mother's CAT token-identical to the base's CAT — the Head Feature Principle for the lexicon. Two outputs of the same rule from same-category bases share a category, which is why (e.g.) passivized verbs coordinate. Category-changing derivation (nominalization) is a separate derivational-cxt, deferred.

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                                                  The grammar: the filler-head construction (with gap amalgamation), the four clausal-type principles, the filler-gap construction-specific restrictions (topicalization's verb head, wh-relative's nominal filler), the generic absolute/weak island constraints, the absolute-island status of topicalization and wh-exclamatives, the head-modifier construction, and the inflectional lexical rule. The aux-initial / inversion construction is paper-anchored in Studies/SagEtAl2020.lean, which extends this grammar.

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                                                    Multiple inheritance: ns-wh-int-cl is a lower bound across the two dimensions #

                                                    ns-wh-int-cl sits below both filler-head-cxt (the headed dimension) and interrogative-cl (the clausal dimension) — the cross-classification of [Sag10] (80), Fig. 8 (the cross-classification mechanism being the one [SCA+20b] Fig. 5 illustrates for subj-pred-cl).

                                                    All four filler-gap constructions cross-classify: each is below filler-head-cxt (so inherits the filler-head constraints) and below the clausal type fixing its semantics ([Sag10] §5) — topicalization/declarative, wh-exclamative/exclamative, nonsubject-wh-interrogative/interrogative, wh-relative/relative.

                                                    Worked constructs #

                                                    Entities shared by the worked constructs: the construct (cxt), its mother (mtr) and two daughters (hd, fl); the category objects (npCat/vpCat/adjCat/compCat, of species noun/verb/adj/ comp); the GAP-list cells (g1 the head's gap list, g2 its tail cell, nil the empty list); the passing second-gap category c2; and the semantic object sem. A GAP list ⟨c⟩ is g1[FIRST c, REST nil]; ⟨c₁, c₂⟩ is g1[FIRST c₁, REST g2], g2[FIRST c₂, REST nil].

                                                    Entities of the worked constructs.

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                                                      @[implicit_reducible]
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                                                      def HPSG.Construction.instReprEnt.repr :
                                                      EntStd.Format
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                                                        Common species assignment: the cells are nelist, nil is elist, c2 defaults to noun (NP), sem defaults to austinean, cxt defaults to filler-head-cxt; each model overrides cxt (its construction type) and, where the clausal type demands, sem/c2.

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                                                          Single-gap filler-head geometry: head GAP ⟨c⟩ (g1), filler binds c (token-identical to the head's first gap npCat), mother GAP ⟨⟩; verbal head, nonverbal (NP) filler, mother SEM sem.

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                                                            Two-gap amalgamation geometry: head GAP ⟨npCat, c2⟩, the filler binds the first gap, and the second gap c2 passes up — mother GAP ⟨c2⟩ (g2).

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                                                              Construct families (parameterized worked-model builders) #

                                                              Two parameterized families cover every worked construct: each fixes the carrier Ent and the attribute geometry, exposing the construction sort, the mother's SEM type (and, for two gaps, the passing-gap category) as parameters. The two Fintype/DecidableEq instances per family are written once and serve every instantiation, so the named models below are one-line abbrevs with no per-model boilerplate. (A universal builder over an arbitrary carrier is blocked by DecidableEq metavariable unification, so the carrier is fixed per family — the Binding.clause pattern.)

                                                              @[reducible]
                                                              def HPSG.Construction.singleConstruct (cxtSort semSort : Srt) (a : FeatEntOption Ent) :

                                                              Single-gap construct family: construction sort cxtSort, mother SEM semSort, attribute map a (singleGapA for the standard filler-head geometry; a custom a for the head/filler variants).

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                                                                @[implicit_reducible]
                                                                instance HPSG.Construction.instFintypeUSrtSingleConstruct (cxtSort semSort : Srt) (a : FeatEntOption Ent) :
                                                                Fintype (singleConstruct cxtSort semSort a).U
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                                                                instance HPSG.Construction.instDecidableEqUSrtSingleConstruct (cxtSort semSort : Srt) (a : FeatEntOption Ent) :
                                                                DecidableEq (singleConstruct cxtSort semSort a).U
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                                                                Two-gap construct family (amalgamation geometry twoGapA): construction sort cxtSort, mother SEM semSort, passing second-gap category c2Sort.

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                                                                  @[implicit_reducible]
                                                                  instance HPSG.Construction.instFintypeUSrtTwoGapConstruct (cxtSort semSort c2Sort : Srt) :
                                                                  Fintype (twoGapConstruct cxtSort semSort c2Sort).U
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                                                                  instance HPSG.Construction.instDecidableEqUSrtTwoGapConstruct (cxtSort semSort c2Sort : Srt) :
                                                                  DecidableEq (twoGapConstruct cxtSort semSort c2Sort).U
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                                                                  A well-formed filler-head construct (sort filler-head-cxt): nonverbal filler, verbal head, the head's first GAP token-identical to the filler's CAT, the (empty) rest amalgamated to the mother.

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                                                                    Breaking the filler↔gap token identity (filler CAT ≠ head GAP|FIRST) violates the filler-head principle. The filler is an AP (nonverbal, so the nonverbal constraint still holds) while the head's bound gap is an NP — isolating the token-identity failure.

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                                                                      The keystone: cross-classification by inheritance #

                                                                      A single ns-wh-int-cl construct satisfies the filler-head principle and the interrogative principle — both inherited via nsWhIntCl_inherits, neither stipulated on ns-wh-int-cl.

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                                                                      A well-formed nonsubject wh-interrogative construct (sort ns-wh-int-cl): nonverbal filler, verbal head, filler↔gap token identity (from filler-head-cxt), and the mother's SEM a question (from interrogative-cl).

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                                                                        The inherited interrogative constraint genuinely binds: an ns-wh-int-cl construct whose mother's SEM is austinean (not a question) violates the inherited interrogative principle — even though nothing about interrogativity is stated on ns-wh-int-cl directly.

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                                                                          The five filler-gap constructions ([Sag10] §5) #

                                                                          A worked single-gap construct of each sort. By fg_cross_classify, each satisfies the inherited filler-head constraints and its clausal semantics; wh-relative additionally satisfies its nominal-filler restriction and topicalization its verb-head restriction. Single-gap topicalization and wh-exclamative also satisfy their absolute-island principle (the one bound gap leaves the mother [GAP ⟨⟩]); the two-gap island theorems below show the constraint genuinely binds.

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                                                                          Topicalization ([Sag10] (61)): a declarative (austinean) filler-head construct, verb head.

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                                                                            Wh-relative ([Sag10] (92)): a relative (proposition) filler-head construct whose filler is nominal (NP/PP).

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                                                                              The wh-relative filler restriction genuinely binds: an AP filler (adj — nonverbal but not nominal), token-identical to the head's gap so the filler-head constraint holds, violates the relative-specific [CAT nominal] restriction, so the construct is rejected.

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                                                                                The-clause ([Sag10] (108)): an austinean filler-head construct whose head may be a complementizer-headed CP (comp) — distinguishing it from topicalization, whose head must be a verb projection ((27a) vs (27b)).

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                                                                                  The topicalization head restriction binds: a CP (comp) head is verbal (so the inherited filler-head constraint holds) but violates topicalization's [CAT verb] restriction — the very constraint separating topicalization from the otherwise-identical (austinean) the-clause.

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                                                                                    Gap amalgamation and islands ([Sag10] §4–§5.1, after [BMS01b]) #

                                                                                    The two-gap models exercise amalgamation: the filler binds the first gap and the second passes up to the mother. Whether the second gap survives is what distinguishes a free filler-head construct, an absolute island, and a (selectively permeable) weak island. These named models ground the island taxonomy theorems of Studies/SagWasowBender2003 and Studies/Sag2010.

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                                                                                    Amalgamation of overlapping dependencies ([Sag10] (53), (59)): a generic filler-head head with two gaps ⟨c₁, c₂⟩; the filler binds c₁ and the second gap c₂ passes up — the mother's GAP is ⟨c₂⟩.

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                                                                                      The absolute-island theorem ([Sag10] (67)–(68)). A second gap cannot penetrate a generic absolute island (island-cxt): a two-gap head amalgamates a non-empty mother GAP ⟨c₂⟩, contradicting the island's [GAP ⟨⟩] — so the construct is rejected. Topicalization is an absolute extraction island (topClSecondGap below), derived from the [GAP ⟨⟩] constraint plus amalgamation, not from Subjacency.

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                                                                                        NP extraction through a weak island is licensed. A weak-island construct whose passing (second) gap is an NP (noun) amalgamates a non-empty mother GAP ⟨NP⟩; the weak-island antecedent (a prep mother gap) is false, so the constraint is vacuous and the structure is well-formed.

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                                                                                          PP extraction through a weak island is blocked. The same geometry with a prep (PP) passing gap makes the mother GAP ⟨PP⟩; the weak-island constraint then forces [GAP ⟨⟩], contradicting the non-empty mother gap — so the construct is rejected. The NP/PP asymmetry, derived from the constraint, not stipulated.

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                                                                                            Islands as a property of the construction type ([Sag10] §5.1) #

                                                                                            The five F-G constructions carry their island status as constructions: topicalization and wh-exclamative are absolute islands (their two-gap variants are rejected), while the nonsubject wh-interrogative, wh-relative, and the-clause are not (their two-gap variants pass). These ground Studies/Sag2010's IsIsland verdicts as Models facts about the construction sorts.

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                                                                                            Topicalization blocks a second gap ([Sag10] (67)): a top-cl construct with two gaps amalgamates a non-empty mother GAP, contradicting topIslandPrinciple's [GAP ⟨⟩] — rejected.

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                                                                                              Nonsubject wh-interrogatives are not islands ([Sag10] §5.3): a ns-wh-int-cl construct with a second gap passes — no [GAP ⟨⟩] constraint applies, so the second dependency amalgamates freely.

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                                                                                                Wh-relatives are not constructional islands ([Sag10], pace the Complex-NP Constraint): a wh-rel-cl construct with a second gap passes; the residual degradation is processing, not grammar ([HS10]).

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                                                                                                  Head-modifier constructs ([Sag10] §6) #

                                                                                                  A head (e.g. a noun) modified by an adjunct (e.g. a relative clause). The modifier's MOD value selects the head's category and the mother inherits it. These ground Studies/SagWasowBender2003's relative-clause licensing as Models facts: a relative clause modifies a noun and the result is a noun; a modifier selecting the wrong category is rejected. The relative clause's internal gap is the filler-gap wh-rel-cl construct above.

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                                                                                                  Head-modifier construct family: a head daughter of category noun, an adjunct (modifier) daughter whose MOD value is the entity modTarget, and a mother of the head's category. When modTarget is the head's category (npCat) the modifier correctly selects the head.

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                                                                                                    instance HPSG.Construction.instFintypeUSrtHeadModConstruct (modTarget : Ent) :
                                                                                                    Fintype (headModConstruct modTarget).U
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                                                                                                    A relative clause modifying a noun: the modifier's MOD is the noun head's category, and the mother is a noun — modification preserves the head's category.

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                                                                                                      The head-modifier constraint binds: a modifier selecting a verb category does not modify the noun head, so the construct is rejected.

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                                                                                                        Inflectional lexical-rule constructs ([Sag12] (48)) #

                                                                                                        A category-preserving lexical rule (e.g. passive) relating an output mother to its input base; the mother's CAT is the base's CAT. These ground Studies/Mueller2013's claim that HPSG lexical rules preserve category (so e.g. passivized verbs coordinate).

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                                                                                                        An inflectional lexical-rule construct family: mother and base of category baseCat. When the mother's category equals the base's (the entity is shared), the rule is category-preserving.

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                                                                                                          A passive-like inflectional rule: the output verb has the base verb's category (V ⤳ V) — category preserved, so the output coordinates with other same-category outputs.

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                                                                                                            The category-preservation constraint binds: a lexical rule whose output category differs from the base's (here a noun output from a verb base) violates inflectionalPrinciple.

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                                                                                                              Entities of a two-step lexical-rule chain (e.g. double passivization, [Mul13] §11): two inflectional constructs where the first's output (mid) is the second's input base.

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                                                                                                                  Lexical rules iterate freely, preserving category ([Mul13] §11): a chain of two inflectional rules — the first maps base0mid, the second midout — keeps the category throughout (out's CAT = base0's, via two inflectionalPrinciple steps), so double passivization works with no phrasal machinery.

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                                                                                                                    Genuinely set-valued GAP via the member relation #

                                                                                                                    The list-valued GAP + fillerHeadPrinciple above is order-committed: a filler may only discharge GAP|FIRST. The handbook's SLASH is a set of local objects ([BC24a] (9), after [BMS01b]), so a filler discharges any member, order-independently. The RSRL way to recover that ([Ric24] Ch. 3: relations for set/list membership) is the member relation, defined by the recursive principle memberDef and interpreted as genuine list membership (memberOf). The payoff theorem below: a construct whose filler matches the second gap is rejected by the order-committed fillerHeadPrinciple yet its filler is a member of the head's GAP set — the list-vs-set distinction, made model-theoretic.

                                                                                                                    Entities of the set-valued worked construct: a filler-head construct whose head has the two-gap GAP ⟨gNP, gPP⟩, and whose filler is a gPP — i.e. it discharges the non-first gap.

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                                                                                                                      def HPSG.Construction.instReprGapEnt.repr :
                                                                                                                      GapEntStd.Format
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                                                                                                                        Attribute geometry: head GAP ⟨gNP, gPP⟩ (l1 = ⟨gNP | l2⟩, l2 = ⟨gPP | lnil⟩); the filler's CAT is gPP (the second gap); the mother's GAP is l2.

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                                                                                                                          def HPSG.Construction.gapElems (a : FeatGapEntOption GapEnt) :
                                                                                                                          GapEntList GapEnt

                                                                                                                          Membership in the GAP list rooted at l under attribute map a: collect the FIRSTs down the REST chain (fuel 11 ≥ the carrier size bounds it; the lists here are acyclic, length ≤ 2).

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                                                                                                                            e is a genuine member of the GAP set rooted at l.

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                                                                                                                              The member relation's interpretation: genuine list membership on the two argument entities.

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                                                                                                                                The set-valued worked construct: a filler-head-cxt whose filler (gPP) matches the second gap of the head's GAP ⟨gNP, gPP⟩.

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                                                                                                                                  member defined relationally ([Ric24] Ch. 3, the RSRL way to define list/set relations): x is a member of L iff L is a nelist and x is its FIRST or a member of its REST.

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                                                                                                                                    Filler-gap connectivity: the INDEX #

                                                                                                                                    Because a GAP element is now a loc (CAT + INDEX), the filler-head token identity shares the gap's referential index, not just its category ([BC24a] (3)–(4): the filler has all the gap's properties). Two payoffs: the connectivity is load-bearing (an index mismatch is rejected), and one filler can bind several coindexed gaps — the structural prerequisite for across-the-board extraction and parasitic gaps, expressible only with a local-valued GAP.

                                                                                                                                    Single-gap geometry with a deliberate index mismatch: the filler's INDEX (ix2) differs from the gap loc's (ix1).

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                                                                                                                                      def HPSG.Construction.atbA :
                                                                                                                                      FeatEntOption Ent

                                                                                                                                      Across-the-board geometry: one filler (INDEX ix1) and a head whose GAP ⟨[np,ix1], [np,ix1]⟩ has two locs that share the filler's index — the two coindexed gaps of who Mary loves _ and Sally hates _.

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                                                                                                                                        One filler binds two coindexed gaps (ATB / parasitic-gap connectivity): the filler's INDEX is token-identical to both gap locs' INDEX — a fact statable only because GAP elements carry an index. With bare-category GAP elements (the pre-refactor encoding) there is no index to share.