Sag, Wasow & Bender (2003) — Syntactic Theory: A Formal Introduction #
Consolidated study of three strands of the HPSG textbook Syntactic Theory: A Formal Introduction (2nd ed.):
- Binding Theory (Ch. 7) — the reduction of the Chomskyan three-way anaphor/pronoun/R-expression
classification (Principles A/B/C) to local o-command, grounded model-theoretically in the RSRL
Binding theory (
Syntax/HPSG/Binding): Principle A (a locally o-commanded anaphor is locally o-bound, agreeing in φ) and Principle B (a pronoun is locally o-free), instantiating the [Cho81] minimal-pair paradigm (Studies/Chomsky1981). - Long-Distance Dependencies (Ch. 15) — the Head-Filler Schema and
GAP/SLASH mechanism, grounded model-theoretically in the RSRLGAP(the canonicalSyntax/HPSG/Constructionsignature: a set oflocobjects with amalgamation), with the island taxonomy ofStudies/Ross1967derived from gap amalgamation, not stipulated as Subjacency. - Relative Clauses — a relative clause modifies a head noun via the Head-Modifier Schema, grounded
model-theoretically in the RSRL
head-modifier-cxt(the canonicalSyntax/HPSG/Constructionsignature); category preservation falls out of the Head Feature Principle.
Binding Theory (Ch. 7) #
The HPSG binding theory reduces the Chomskyan three-way classification (anaphor / pronoun /
R-expression → Principles A/B/C) to two MODE-based ARG-ST principles:
- Principle A:
[MODE ana]must be outranked on ARG-ST by a coindexed element; - Principle B:
[MODE ref]must NOT be outranked on ARG-ST by a coindexed element.
Both pronouns and R-expressions are [MODE ref], so Principle B subsumes Principle C.
Binding Theory (Principles A & B), model-theoretic in RSRL #
[SWB03]'s HPSG Binding Theory as RSRL descriptions over Syntax/HPSG/Binding:
Principle A (a locally o-commanded anaphor is locally o-bound, agreeing in φ) and Principle B (a
personal pronoun is locally o-free). The diagnostic reflexive / pronoun / φ-agreement contrasts hold as
Models facts over the model theory; the [Cho81] minimal-pair paradigm they instantiate lives in
Studies/Chomsky1981. Reciprocal binding (each other, requiring a semantically plural antecedent) is a
deferred RSRL addition — the principle needs a plurality-of-binder condition not yet in the substrate.
The reflexive (Principle A) judgments grounded in the RSRL model theory: a coindexed, φ-agreeing anaphor object satisfies the whole grammar (John likes himself), while a disjoint-indexed anaphor is locally o-commanded but not locally o-bound, violating Principle A (himself likes John).
Principle B grounded in RSRL: a coindexed personal pronoun violates the model-theoretic Principle B (a pronoun must be locally o-free), the counterpart of the ARG-ST disjoint-reference data.
φ-agreement grounded in RSRL. The gender/number agreement of binding (the Word.Agree check in
the computational engine) is the model-theoretic requirement that the bound anaphor's GEND/NUM are
token-identical to the binder's: a coindexed but φ-clashing anaphor (feminine — John likes herself;
or plural — they like himself) is not locally o-bound, violating Principle A.
Long-Distance Dependencies: extraction and islands (Ch. 15) #
The Head-Filler Schema and SLASH mechanism, stated model-theoretically over the canonical RSRL
signature (islands_rsrl_grounded below) — gap introduction, amalgamation, and the island taxonomy are
all the RSRL list-valued GAP, which subsumes the former computational SlashValue/gapComplement
shadow: a dependency penetrates a domain iff its GAP survives amalgamation.
Long-distance dependencies in the RSRL model theory — the full island taxonomy #
Extraction licensing is stated directly over the model-theoretic RSRL list-valued GAP
(the canonical Syntax/HPSG/Construction signature): filler-gap category matching is gap amalgamation,
and island permeability is the island/weak-island principles. The whole taxonomy is derived from
amalgamation ([Sag10] (67); after [BMS01b]), not stipulated as Subjacency — a
dependency penetrates a domain iff its GAP survives amalgamation.
The island taxonomy as RSRL Models facts (the three cases of the now-retired coarse
GapRestriction enum: unrestricted / absolute / weak). A free filler-head construct licenses
extraction; an absolute island ([GAP ⟨⟩]) blocks a second gap; a weak island lets an NP gap pass but
blocks a PP gap — each over the canonical construction grammar.
Relative Clauses (Ch. 14) #
SWB2003 defers relative-clause analysis ("beyond the scope of this text", p. 442). The standard HPSG
treatment — a relative clause is a filler-gap construct that modifies a head noun via the Head-Modifier
Schema — is grounded model-theoretically in the canonical RSRL signature (Syntax/HPSG/Construction:
head-modifier-cxt for the modification, wh-rel-cl for the clause-internal gap). The relativizer
inventory and the Keenan–Comrie accessibility-hierarchy typology live, framework-neutrally, in
Fragments/English/Relativization and Typology/RelativeClause, not here.
Model-theoretic grounding (RSRL head-modifier). The relative-clause head-modification above is
grounded in the canonical RSRL signature (Syntax/HPSG/Construction's head-modifier-cxt): a relative
clause whose MOD value selects the noun head is licensed and the mother is a noun (modification
preserves category — headModifierPrinciple); a modifier selecting the wrong category is rejected.